THE 


NEW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY. 


A   HISTORY 


OF    THB 


CONGREGATIONALISTS  IN  NEW  ENGLAND 

TO  THE  REVIVALS  OF   1740 


BY  H.  F.   UHDEN. 

h 


A   PREFACE   BY   THE   LATE   DR.   NEANDER, 

Cranslateti  from  tjc  Second  ©erman  E^ftfon 

B  Y 

H.   C.   CONANT, 

AUTHOK    OV    **THB    BITOLISH    B  I  B  L  K  ,"    ETC.   XTO. 


BOSTON: 


GOULD      AND      LINCOLN, 

6t    W  A  8  HI  M  O  TO  N     BTRKXT. 

N£W   YORK:    SHELDON.  BLAKEMAN   ft    CO. 

CINCINNATI  t  GEORGE  8.  BLANCIIAED. 

1858. 


IXsr 


Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1858,  by 
GOULD    AND    LINCOLN, 

In  the  Clerk's  OflSce  of  the  District  Court  of  the  District  of  Massachusetts. 


EIAOTROTTPED   AND  PRIHTBD  BT 

W,   r.    DBAPEB,  ANOOVXB, MASS. 


TRANSLATOR'S  PREFACE. 


It  is  a  singular  fact,  that  the  New  England  Theocracy 
has  found  no  historian  on  our  own  shores.  A  subject 
so  rich  in  interest,  so  intimately  connected  with  our 
history  as  a  people,  it  would  seem  should  long  since 
have  busied  some  master-hand  among  ourselves.  The 
record  of  tliis  great  experiment  of  our  Puritan  fathers, 
among  the  most  unique  and  instructive  in  ecclesiastical 
history,  is  here  for  the  first  time  presented  for  our 
study,  as  a  comiected  whole,  by  a  foreign  scholar.  Tliis 
circumstance  is,  however,  a  ground  rather  of  con- 
gratulation than  regret ;  for  the  conflicting  interests, 
germinated  in  the  stoi*my  infancy  of  New  England, 
have  still  too  much  vitality,  and  have  spread  their  roots 


rv 

too  widely,  to  allow  a  native  historian,  of  whatever 
creed,  to  escape  the  suspicion  of  partiality. 

In  the  influences  which  originated  and  directed  the 
present  work,  we  have  special  cause  of  satisfaction. 
From  the  Preface  by  the  late  Dr.  Neander,  we  learn 
that  it  was  prepared  under  his  own  eye,  by  one  whom 
he  had  selected  as  peculiarly  fitted  for  the  task ;  and 
that  he  gave  his  unqualified  approval  to  its  publication, 
—  thus  pledging  his  own  name  for  its  thoroughness, 
ability,  and  candor. 

The  work  itself  fully  justifies  this  endorsement. 
From  the  list  of  authorities,  at  the  end  of  the  volume, 
it  will  be  seen  that  the  author  had  access  to  the  origi- 
nal sources  necessary  for  forming  an  independent  and 
comprehensive  judgment.  The  materials,  thus  obtained 
from  a  wide  range  of  works,  have  been  so  thoroughly 
sifted  and  arranged  as  to  present,  within  these  moderate 
limits,  a  philosophical-religious  sketch  of  the  Congre- 
gationalist  Theocracy,  in  wliich  all  the  determining 
features  of  its  character  and  career  are  clearly  exhibited, 
in  their  inward  relation  to  the  system,  and  in  their 


translator's  preface.  y 

bearings  on  the  final  result.  Thus  viewed  as  a  whole, 
lie  subject  offers  a  study  so  instructive  to  all  who  are 
concerned  for  the  progi'css  of  true  religion  and  of  human 
1  ights,  that  it  seems  strange  that  Uhden's  work  was  not 
long  since  translated  into  English.  This  delay  is  the 
less  to  be  regretted,  as  recent  indications  of  change,  in 
tlie  policy  of  some  of  the  religious  bodies  interested  in 
the  working  of  the  principles  here  exhibited,  will  give 
it  a  fresh  practical  significance  for  the  present  time. 

The  closing  chapter  has  a  two-fold  value.  From  Dr. 
Neander*s  Preface  we  learn,  that  the  deep  interest  felt 
by  that  great  man  in  the  Revivals,  which  form  so 
striking  a  feature  in  the  religious  life  of  this  country, 
gave  occasion  to  the  present  volume.  The  delineation 
and  analysis  of  their  peculiar  characteristics,  as  exhib- 
ited in  that  earliest  and  purest  type,  the  Awakening  at 
Northampton  under  Jonathan  Edwards,  occupies  the 
last  forty  pages ;  and  the  manner  leaves  us  no  room  to 
doubt,  that  Uhden  has  here  faithfully  mirrored  the 
views  of  his  illustrious  teacher  and  friend.  His  philo- 
sophic genius,  and  all-embracing  christian  heart,  glow 


VI  translator's  preface. 

tlirough  every  page.  At  the  present  moment,  when  our 
land  is  the  scene  of  one  of  the  most  extensive  and 
striking  of  these  religious  movements  ever  witnessed, 
the  suggestions  of  a  man  like  Neander  cannot  but  have 
a  deep  interest  for  all  thoughtful  Christians.  For 
those  to  whom,  as  preachers  and  pastors,  is  committed 
the  guidance  of  these  crises  in  the  life  of  a  great  chris- 
tian community,  they  possess  a  special  value. 

The  translator  has  carefully  verified  the  author's 
dates  and  statements  of  fact,  and  has  given  the  extracts 
in  their  original  English  form.  The  liberty  which  has 
been  taken  of  breaking  the  long  chapters  into  sections, 
according  to  the  subjects,  will  render  the  work  more 
clear  and  convenient  to  the  reader.  The  leading  title, 
"The  New  England  Theocracy,"  has  been  prefixed  by 
the  translator,  as  being  the  term  constantly  applied  by 
tlic  author  himself  to  the  peculiar  politico-religious  in- 
stitution of  which  he  treats,  and  as  suggesting  at  the 
first  glance  the  precise  subject  of  the  work. 

H.  C.  C. 

September,  1858. 


DR.    NEANDER'S    rilEFACE 


TO  THB 


FIRST    EDITION 


The  investigations,  of  which  the  results  are 
here  given  to  the  public,  received  their  first  im- 
pulse from  myself.  Having  been  deeply  inter- 
ested, through  a  volume  on  the  subject  by  the 
Rev.  Dr.  Sprague  of  Albany,  in  the  Revivals  of 
religion  in  North  America,  I  solicited  my  highly 
valued  young  firiend  Uhden,  (already  honorably 
known  by  his  biography  of  the  great  Wilber- 
force)  to  present  in  German  these  instructive 
details  of  occurrences  so   important,  both  in  a 


Vin  PREFACE. 

psychological  view,  and  in  their  relation  to  the 
history  of  the  christian  life.  He  acceded  to  my 
wish;  but  soon  became  convinced  that  a  true 
understanding  and  correct  judgment  of  these 
phenomena  required  a  more  thorough  research 
into  the  ecclesiastical  and  religious  condition  of 
a  country  whose  entire  social  state  differs  so 
widely  from  our  own.  Thus  there  grew  up  in 
his  mind  the  plan  of  a  more  comprehensive  his- 
torical development.  From  what  he  communi- 
cated to  me  of  the  plan  and  progress  of  his  work, 
I  was  led  to  encourage  him  to  complete  it,  and  to 
give  to  the  world  the  fruits  of  his  extensive  orig- 
inal investigations  in  this  field.  In  this  way 
arose  the  present  work,  as  a  necessary  prelim- 
inary to  the  history  of  those  religious  awaken- 
ings, the  delineation  of  which  was  at  first  his 
sole  object. 

The  present  can,  indeed,  in  no  case,  be  rightly 


PREFACE.  ZZ 

apprehended  except  in  connection  with  what 
preceded  and  contributed  to  produce  it.  Hence, 
this  Monograph  will  serve  as  preparatory  to  a 
correct  view  of  the  present  ecclesiastical  and 
religious  state  of  that  interesting  land,  so  im- 
portant in  the  world's  commerce,  and  conse- 
quently in  the  world's  history.  It  will  show 
how  the  reaction  from  the  one-sided  principle 
of  a  Church-Theocracy,  derived  rather  fi-om  the 
Old  than  from  the  New  Testament,  helped  to 
bring  about  the  subsequent  total  separation  of 
Church  and  State.  The  more  we  suffer  from 
the  evils  most  strongly  in  contrast  with  the  state 
of  things  in  North  America,  —  those,  namely, 
proceeding  from  an  intermingling  of  the  Ecclesi- 
astical and  the  Political, — the  more  all  among 
us,  to  whom  the  highest  interests  of  humanity 
are  dear,  long  for  an  emancipation  of  the  Church 
from  the  State,  (not,  however,  that  this   abso- 


X  PEEFACE. 

lately  requires  that  total  separation  of  the  two 
witnessed  in  North  America);  so  much  the 
greater  interest,  with  reference  to  the  present 
time,  will  attach  to  the  development-course  here 
portrayed  by  my  friend.  To  desire  and  to  labor 
for  this,  viz.,  that  all  the  interests  of  humanity 
be  allowed  each  its  rights,  and  a  free  develop- 
ment according  to  its  own  peculiar  laws;  that 
no  one  of  them  be  sacrificed  to  another,  —  this 
is  the  genuine,  this  is  Christian  Liberalism. 
«         «         *         *         *         *         * 

DR.  NEANDER. 


CONTENTS 


CHAPTER    I. 

RISE  OF  THE  INDETENDENTS  IN  ENGLAND.— EMIGRATION  TO  HOL- 

LAND. 

Reformation  in  England  under  Henry  Vlll. — Progress  under  Edward 
VI. ;  first  development  of  the  Puritan  element  —  Mary  the  Catholic.  — 
The  Exiles;  their  dissensions.  —  Elizabeth;  the  Prelatists  and  the  Puri- 
tans (Cartwright). — More  distinct  organization  of  the  Puritan  party 
through  Brown  ;  separatistic  elements ;  these  discarded  by  Robinson,  the 
Father  of  the  Independents.  —  The  Leyden  Congregation.  —  Robinson's 
views. — Desire  of  the  congregationto  emigrate 15 


CHAPTER    II. 

EMIGRATION  TO  AMERICA.  —  FORMATION  OF  THE  THEOCRATIC 
STATE  IN  NEW  ENGLAND.  — A  GLANCE  AT  THE  POLITICAL  HIS- 
TORY, MISSIONARY  EFFORTS,  AND  FIRST  UNIVERSITY  OF  NEW 
ENGLAND. 

Earlier  attempts  to  colonize  the  North  American  Continent  fixim  Eng- 
land.—  Emigration  of  the  Leyden  Congregation  (farewell  address  of 
Robinson)  and  founding  of  New  Plymouth.  —  Massachusetts  Bay  Com- 
pany: expedition  of  1629;  settling  of  Salem  and  Charlestown;  emigra- 
tion of  the  Governor  of  this  company,  and  founding  of  Boston.  —  The 
two  great  principles  of  Congregationalism.  —  Tlie  Congregationalist 
Theocracy.  —  Political  divisions  anci  history  of  New  England.  —  Mission- 
ary eflforts  among  the  Indians. —  Harvard  College 51 


XII  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER    III. 

EXPULSION  OF  EOGER  WILLIAMS  AND  OF  THE  ANTINOMIANS.  — 
RHODE  ISLAND. 

First  opposition  to  the  established  Theocracy,  by  Eoger  Williams ;  he 
is  banished,  and  founds  Providence,  on  Narraganset  Bay. — Antinomian 
agitations,  occasioned  by  Mrs.  Hutchinson  and  "Wheelwright.  —  The 
FIRST  SYNOD,  1637 ;  suppresses  these  divisions.  —  Expulsion  of  the 
Antinomians,  who  found  a  colony  in  Bhode  Island;  in  1643  this  colony 
unites  itself  to  Providence.  —  Decided  opposition  there  manifested  against 
every  form  of  Theocracy 86 


CHAPTER    IV. 

EXCLUSION  AND  PERSECUTION  OF  BAPTISTS  AND  QUAKERS. 

Alarm  at  the  Anabaptists  connected  with  the  history  of  the  Ee-baptizers 
of  Germany.  —  Treatment  of  Obadiah  Holmes  and  John  Clarke.  —  Cot- 
ton's defence  of  this  proceeding. — First  fanatical  Quakers  ;  their  arrival 
in  Boston;  laws  against  them.  — Repeated  return  of  the  Quakers,  and  in- 
creased severity  of  penalties.  —  Capital  punishment  introduced.  —  Perse- 
cutions cease  after  the  accession  of  Charles  II 108 


CHAPTER    V. 

SUPPRESSION  OF  THE  INTERNAL  OPPOSniON  TO  THE  THEOCRATIC 
GOVERNMLNT.  —  THE  MEASURE  SUSTAINED  BY  THE  SYNOD  OF 
1648. 

Gradual  change  in  the  original  views,  produced  by  later  immigrations. 
— Petition  for  civil  rights  without  regard  to  church  membership  rejected 
by  the  Government. — Popular  agitations.  —  The  Government  convokes 
a  Synod;  Platform  of  church  discipline  drawn  up,  1648,  and  the  Theo- 
cratic relation  confirmed.  —  The  Cambbidge  Platform;  remarks  on 
certain  important  points  in  it 135 


CONTENTS.  XIU 


CHAPTER    VI.       c 


y 


DISSOLUTION  OF  THE  TIIEOCRATIC  RELATION,  FROM  THE  ECCLE- 
SIASTICAL  AND  THE  POLITICAL  SIDE. 

Sabsequent  to  the  political  opposition,  many  non-churchmembers  dcsiro 
baptism  for  their  children;  (Dunster  rejects  Infant  Baptism).  —  Contest 
in  Connecticut,  between  a  rigid  and  a  laxer  party,  on  the  terms  of  admis- 
sion to  baptism  and  church-meml)ership ;  Synod  of  1657;  expedient  of  a 
two-fold  membership, — the  Half-way  Covenant.  —  This  action  con- 
finned  by  the  Synod  of  1 662 ;  opposition  to  the  same.  —  Connecticut  and 
New  Haven  united  after  the  accession  of  Charles  II.;  opposition  there 
existing  to  the  two-fold  membership  declines;  church-membership  no 
longer  a  required  preliminary  of  civil  rights.  — In  1662,  the  same  abroga- 
tion of  the  Theocracy  demanded  of  Massachusetts  by  the  King ;  effected 
by  the  Royal  Commission  in  1664 162 


CHAPTER    VII. 

REAQTIONARY  INFLUENCES  PROCEEDING  FROM  THE  THEOCRACY 
AFTER  ITS  ABROGATION. 

Formation  of  a  new  church  in  Boston,  resulting  fix)m  the  adherence  of 
the  First  Church  to  the  principles  of  strict  Congregationalism. — Attempts 
in  Connecticut  to  introduce  a  more  Presbyterian  organization.  —  Division 
in  Hartford.  —  Persecution  of  the  Anabaptists  in  Boston  and  Charles- 
town,  in  166.5,  and  some  years  following.  —  Incipient  Declension  in 
church-life ;  causes  of  the  change ;  reaction,  in  the  Reforming  Synod  of 
1679;  its  doings  and  results 190 


CHAPTER    VIII. 

DECLINE  OF  CONGREGATIONALISM. 

Relation  of  the  Colonies  to  the  mother  country,  from  the  repeal  of  the 
old  charter  by  Charles  II.,  to  the  grant  of  the  new  one  by  William  IH. — 

2 


XIV  CONTENTS. 

Effects  of  the  Reforming  Synod  but  temporary.  —  Witch  trials.  —  New 
churches  formed  in  Hartford  and  Boston,  without  the  requisition  of  a  par- 
ticular account  of  the  religious  state.  — ^he  decline  lamented ;  conscious- 
ness of  its  connection  with  abandonment  of  the  primitive  principles, 
(Mitchell,  Oakes,  Increase  Mather,  Willard) ;  Stoddard's  views  in  respect 
to  the  Lord's  Supper.  —  Gradual  approximation  to  the  Presbyterian  disci- 
pline; decided  expression  of  the  same  in  Connecticut  (Gov.  Saltonstall), 
in  the  Satbrook  Platform,  1708;  (Yale  College). -^Progressive  de- 
cline of  the  ministry  in  Massachusetts  the  subject  of  complaint  to  Gov- 
ernment, 1725;  petition  for  a  Synod  coldly  received ;  prohibition  of  the 
same,  from  England.  —  Changes  in  doctrine,  out  of  which,  notwithstand- 
ing the  revivals,  Unitarianism  was  subsequently  developed.    ...    218 


CHAPTER    IX. 

THE  REVIVALS. 

Of  Revivals  in  general,  and  those  of  North  America  in  particular.  — 
The  Revivals  about  the  year  1740  a  reaction  from  Indifferentism.  —  The 
Revival  in  Northampton  about  the  year  1735. — Account  of  the  same; 
state  of  the  congregation  at  its  commencement.  —  Exhibition  of  the 
work  in  its  various  stages  ;  its  results  and  termination.  —  Great  religious 
awakenings  throughout  New  England.  —  Advent  of  Whitefield.  —  Re- 
newal of  the  religious  spirit.  —  Disturbing  and  hostile  Influences.  — 
Final  issues.  —  Conclusion 239 


THE 


NEW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY, 


CHAPTER    I. 

RISE  OF  THE  INDEPENDENTS  IN  ENGLAND— THEIR  EMIGRATION 
TO  HOLLAND. 

KEFORHATIOX  IN  ENGLAND  UNDER  HENRY  VIII. 

The  Independents,  or  Congregationalists,  came  forth 
from  the  bosom  of  the  EngHsh  Church  under  the  reign  of 
Queen  Elizabeth.  But  to  comprehend  the  distinctive 
form  of  these  communities  requires  not  only  a  considera- 
tion of  the  state  of  the  English  Church  at  that  period,  but 
a  general  survey  of  the  circumstances  which  marked  the 
origin  and  progress  of  the  Reformation  in  England. 

Henry  Eighth  had  not  commenced  his  struggle  against 
the  Papacy  from  a  feeling  of  inadequacy  in  the  existing 
condition  of  things  to  meet  the  religious  wants  of  himself, 
or  of  the  English  people.  It  was  solely  from  personal 
aims  that  he  espoused  a  cause  which,  in  the  beginning  of 
his  reign,  he  had  opposed  with  vehement  denunciation  and 
bloody  persecution. 

After  a  union  of  almost  twenty  years  with  Katherine  of 
An-agon,  he  had  become  desirous  of  a  divorce.    His  dis- 


16  NEW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY. 

quieted  conscience,  so  lie  declared,  was  not  appeased  by 
the  dispensation  granted  in  1503  by  Pope  Julius  II. ;  such 
a  union  being  contrary  to  the  word  of  God,  which  forbids 
marriage  with  a  deceased  brother's  wife.^  These  scruples 
of  the  king,  which  he  began  to  express  as  early  as  1526, 
were  listened  to  with  favor  by  Clement  VII.,  and  compli- 
ance was  promised  with  his  wishes.  But  through  fear  of 
the  Emperor  Charles  V.,  nephew  of  the  queen,  this  was 
deferred  on  one  pretext  after  another,  through  a  long 
course  of  years.  By  the  advice  of  Cranmer,  afterwards 
Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  Henry  at  length  solicited  the 
opinions  of  the  chief  universities  of  Europe.  Their  answer 
was  the  same  as  had  already  been  given  at  a  convocation 
of  the  English  clergy,  viz.,  that  it  was  neither  according  to 
the  law  of  God  that  one  should  marry  his  brother's  wife, 
nor  had  the  pope  power  to  grant  a  dispensation  from  the 
law  of  God.  The  pope,  however,  declared  Katherine's 
appeal  to  the  See  of  Kome  valid,  and  cited  the  king  to 
answer  before  him  in  person.  Henry  now  resolved  not 
only  to  break  off  connection  with  Rome,  but  to  abolish  the 
pope's  authority  altogether.  This  authority  he  transferred 
to  his  own  hands.  But  a  large  portion  of  the  clergy  were 
at  first  disinclined  to  recognize  t^e  king  as  "sole  and 
supreme  head  of  the  Church  of  England."  Hence  the 
clause  was  added,  "  so  far  as  may  be  agreeable  to  the  laws 
of  Christ ; "  which  was  acceded  to  by  the  king ;  but  on  the 
subsequent  confirmation  of  that  title  by  Parliament  and  by 
another  convocation  of  the  clergy,  it  was  stricken  out.  On 
the  23d  of  May,  1533,  the  king's  marriage  was  declared 
void.  The  following  year,  an  act  of  Parliament  deprived 
the  pope  of  all  his  revenues  from  England,  and  prohibited 
appeals  to  Rome,  as  also  the  papal  confirmation  of  bishops. 

1  Levit.  18 :  16.    Comp.  20 :  21. 


NEW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY.  17 

Tho  severe  laws  against  heretics,  enacted  in  former  reigns, 
■were  now  repealed,  and  license  was  granted  for  the  transla- 
tion of  the  Bible,  which  had  hitherto  been  opposed  with 
bloody  persecution.  Parliament,  by  the  Act  of  1534,  in 
connection  with  the  above-named  title,  conferred  on  the 
king,  in  express  terms,  the  right  of  final  decision  in  mat- 
ters of  doctrine.  Thereupon  followed  a  visitation  of  the 
monasteries,  occasioned,  in  part,  by  the  open  resistance  of 
the  monks  to  the  king's  proceedings.  This  business  was 
committed  to  Thomas,  Lord  Cromwell,  vicar-general  to 
the  king  in  spiritual  afi*airs,  who  as  secretary  to  Wolsey, 
had  already  been  made  acquainted  with  a  similar  plan,  and 
initiated  into  the  methods  for  carrying  it  into  effect.  The 
cause  of  church  reform  was,  moreover,  one  which  lay  near 
his  own  heart.  Anne  Boleyn,  who  had  shown  herself  a 
zealous  promoter  of  the  Refonnation,  had,  indeed,  fallen 
not  long  after  under  the  displeasure  of  the  king,  and  was 
executed  on  the  19th  of  May  1536.  But  the  Reformation 
was  not  thereby  arrested;  on  the  contrary,  there  now 
appeared  the  first  indications  that  it  was  something  more 
than  a  mere  external  work  which  was  in  progress,  and  the 
influence  of  those  who  were  using  Henry  VIII.  as  an  instru- 
ment for  the  attainment  of  higher  objects,  became  clearly 
manifest.  About  Michaelmas,  1536,  were  set  forth  the 
lirst  Articles  of  Faith;  these  having  been  approved  by 
the  king,  were  confirmed  by  the  convocation  of  the  clergy 
and  by  both  houses  of  Parliament.  The  doctrine  of  Tran- 
substantiation  was  taught  in  these  articles ;  auricular  con- 
fession and  the  worship  of  saints  and  images  were  retained, 
and  the  doctrine  of  purgatory  was  left  doubtful.  But  with 
all  this,  they  recognized  the  Holy  Scriptures  and  the  prim- 
itive confessions  of  the  church  as  the  standard  of  appeal, 
without  reference  to  tradition  or  the  papal  decrees ;  and 

2* 


18  NEW  ENGLAND  THEOCKACT.  * 

even  admitted,  though  under  somewhat  vague  terms,  the  i 

doctrine  of  Justification  by  Faith.  \ 

These  measures  found  a  hearty  response  in  England.  \ 

ISTot  indeed  that  the  assent  of  Parliament  is  to  be  taken  in  \ 

proof;    that   body   being   always   ready,   not    merely   to  j 

gratify,  but  even  to  anticipate  every  arbitrary  caprice  of  j 

the  king.     But  hardly  would  the  pope's  bull  of  excommu-  \ 

nication  have  proved  so  imj^otent,  hardly  would  the  dis-  *■ 

turbances  it  created  have  been  so  easily  quelled,  had  there  \ 

not  existed  among  the  people  themselves  a  disaffection  | 

towards  their  former  relations  to  the  Romish  See.     That  | 

direction  of  the  popular  mind,  which  owed  its  first  impulse  i 

to  the  labors  of  Wickliffe,  had  not  yet  expended  its  force,  i 

I^ot  merely  had  attention  been  turned  to  the  crying  abuses  ; 

in  the  lives  of  the  clergy  and  in  the  condition  of  the  mon-  ; 

asteries,  but  to  that  which  was  the  source  of  all  these  evils,  " 

departure  from  the  Holy  Scriptures  and  from  the  funda-  I 

mental   doctrines   of  the    Church.     The   movement  thus  | 

originated  within   England   itself  had  been   still  farther  i 

developed  by  the  influence  of  the  Reformation  in  Ger-  ] 

many,  whose  traces  we  see  in  the  martyrs  of  the  earlier  I 

part  of  Henry's  reign,  and  in  Tyndale's  English  translation  ] 

of  the  New  Testament,  (printed  in  Antwerp,  so  early  as  i, 

1527})     This  connection  manifested  itself  most  decidedly  ] 

in  Cranmer.     The  king's  wish  for  a  divorce  he  had  used  \ 

for  promoting  reforms  in  the  constitution  and  doctrines  of  ] 

the  church ;  and  in  respect  to  the  former,  so  much  of  a  ] 

change  had  indeed  been  effected,  as  to  transfer  to  the  king  ; 
the  power  hitherto  exercised  by  the  pope. 

But  because  just  this  was  effected  and  no  more,  the  work  i 

came  to  a  stand.     True,  the  Holy  Scriptures  were  trans-  1 

1  In  1525,  as  shown  by  Anderson  in  his  "Annals  of  the  English  j 
Bible."— Tr.  : 


NEW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY.  19 

lated  into  English,  the  monasteries  were  curtailed,  visita- 
tions were  instituted ;  but  no  farther  steps  could  the  king 
be  induced  to  take.  True,  he  hud  rejected  the  reconcilia- 
tion proffered  by  the  pope  after  the  execution  of  Anno 
Boleyn ;  true,  also,  that  her  successor,  Jane  Seymour,  was 
zealously  devoted  to  the  Reformation.  But  the  death  of 
the  latter,  in  1537,  and  the  sundering  of  the  king's  subse- 
(juent  marriage  with  Anne  of  Cleves,  were  followed  by  the 
fall  of  Cromwell,  that  active  and  skilful  promoter  of  the 
Reformation.  The  influence  of  a  powerful  catholic  party 
at  court,  to  whose  secret  intrigues  the  favorite  had  fallen  a 
victim  dm-ing  Henry's  temporary  displeasure,  Cranmer  was 
in  no  condition  to  counteract.  Scarcely  did  the  reverence 
with  which  his  upright  and  irreproachable  character  had 
inspired  the  king  suffice  for  securing  his  personal  safety. 
The  Six  Articles,  promulgated  in  June  1539,  retained  the 
doctrine  of  Transubstantiation,  declared  communion  in 
both  kinds  to  be  unnecessary,  the  mafriage  of  priests  unlaw- 
ful, vows  of  chastity  of  binding  obligation,  and  required 
the  continuance  of  private  masses  and  auricular  confession. 
In  no  Catholic  country  has  been  witnessed  greater  rigor 
against  heretics  than  marked  the  treatment  of  such  as  dis- 
sented from  this  royal  Confession  of  Faith.  In  vain  did 
Melancthon  and  the  German  princes  urge  the  correction 
of  abuses  and  false  doctrines.^  The  king's  answer  was  dic- 
tated wholly  by  the  counsels  of  Bishop  Gardiner,*  whose 
sentiments  came  fully  to  light  at  a  later  period,  under  the 
reign  of  Mary  the  Catholic.    It  was  of  no  avail,  that  one 

1  Bumct's  History  of  the  Reformation  contains,  in  the  Appendix  to  the 
Collections  of  Records,  a  letter  from  Melancthon,  of  April  1st,  1539,  one 
from  the  (^erman  Ambassadors  of  Aug.  5, 153S,  and  an  answer  to  the  lat- 
ter from  the  king. 

2  Boraet,  I.,  p.  367,  Addenda  to  the  Hist,  of  the  Reformation. 


20  NEW   ENGLAND   THEOCRACY. 

bishopric  after  another  became  occupied  by  men  at  heart 
devoted  to  the  Reformation ;  Henry  and  his  advisers 
would  hear  of  no  farther  progress.  So  far  from  this,  steps 
were  taken  in  a  retrograde  direction.  Not  only  was  all 
opposition  to  the  Six  Articles  punished  with  the  utmost 
rigor ;  not  only  were  the  writings  of  the  Reformers  and 
Tyndale's  translation  of  the  Bible  prohibited;  but  in  1543 
even  the  reading  of  the  version,  once  approved  and  earn- 
estly recommended  by  the  king  himself,  was  forbidden  to 
the  common  people.^ 

Thus  had  the  English  Church  assumed  a  new  form,  by 
acquiring,  through  the  influence  of  personal  interest  and 
self-will,  a  different  head.  How  much  the  Spirit  of  God, 
through  the  agency  of  His  word,  had  contributed  to  this 
change,  and  what  part  He  would  hereafter  take  in  it  could 
not  be  seen  till,  on  the  death  of  Henry,  January  28th, 
1547,  the  reins  of  government  passed  into  other  hands. 


PROGRESS  OF  THE  REFORMATION  UNDER  E1>WAUD    VI. FIRST   DEVEL- 
OPMENT   OF    THE    PURITAN   ELEMENT. 

The  accession  of  Edward  VI.,  in  his  tenth  year,  under  a 
regency,  was  adapted  to  awaken  the  most  cheering  hopes. 
The  young  king  and  his  advisers  were  disposed  to  carry 
forward  the  work  already  begun ;  or  rather,  of  that  which 
originated  in  self-will,  to  make  a  genuine  reformation. 
With  the  existing  church  constitution,  of  the  highest 
moment  must  have  been  the  Parliament  Act  of  1539,^ 
emj)Owering  the  councillors  of  the  king's  successor,  during 
his  minority,  to  issue  proclamations  in  his  name,  which 
were  to  be  obeyed  in  th-e  same  manner  with  those  set 
forth  by  the  king  himself     Numbers  of  the  clergy,  who, 

1  Burnet,  I.,  p.  321,  2  Burnet,  Tart  I.,  Book  III. 


NEW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY.  21 

(luring  the  former  reign,  had  been  driven  away  by  the 
liarsh  enforcement  of  the  Six  Articles,  now  returned  to 
England.  With  them  came  many  foreign  reformers  of 
distinction.  Parliament  repealed  the  rigorous  enactments 
uainst  heretics.  Private  masses,  denial  of  the  cup,  and 
celibacy  were  done  away  with.  With  these  abuses  ceased 
also  the  hostile  attitude  which  the  German  princes  had 
been  constrained  to  take  during  the  preceding  reign.  The 
visitation  of  the  cloisters  no  longer  had  for  its  object  the 
plunder  of  their  property  for  the  benefit  of  the  Head  of 
the  Church,  but  the  diffusion  of  the  word  of  God,  and  of 
the  knowledge  of  its  doctrines  among  both  clergy  and 
laity. 

We  must  here  mention  a  controversy,  afterwards  re- 
newed with  the  first  secession  of  the  Independents,  which 
if  not  the  immediate  occasion  of  the  subsequent  resistance 
to  the  Episcopal  church  under  Elizabeth,  at  least  deter- 
mined its  form.  Hooper,  an  English  clergyman,  who  dur- 
ing the  closing  years  of  Henry's  life  resided  in  Zurich, 
had  now  returned  to  his  native  land.  His  preaching  of 
the  divine  word  was  so  favorably  received,  and  produced 
so  marked  an  impression,  that  he  was  at  first  commissioned 
to  preach  through  certain  counties,  as  a  means  of  influ- 
encing the  public  mind  in  favor  of  the  Reformation,  and 
in  July,  1550,  he  was  nominated  to  the  vacant  bishopric  of 
Gloucester.  This  he  declined  on  two  grounds.  The  clause 
**with  the  Saints,"  in  the  formula  of  the  oath  of  office, 
seemed  to  him  objectionable,  since,  as  he  explained,  the 
appeal  should  be  made  to  God  alone,  as  the  only  searcher 
of  hearts.  Thereupon,  the  young  king  struck  out  the 
clause  with  his  own  hand.  Hooper's  scruples  in  regard  to 
the  Romish  vestments  it  was  not  so  easy  to  relieve.  Yet, 
assuredly,  this  could  not  be  reckoned  a  question  of  sec- 


22  NEW  ENGLAND   THEOCRACY. 

ondary  importance ;  these  vestments  not  only  being  re- 
garded as  a  kind  of  symbol  of  that  worship  which  had 
departed  from  the  simplicity  of  the  Scriptures  and  of  the 
primitive  church,  but  being  associated  in  the  popular  mind 
with  a  multitude  of  superstitious  notions.  The  king  and 
his  council  seem  to  have  been  mclined  to  yield  the  point. 
But,  in  spite  of  the  judgment  expressed  by  distinguished 
foreign  reformers  in  favor  of  Hooper's  views,  a  majority  of 
the  Bishops  were  decidedly  for  retaining  the  vestments. 
Cranmer  regarded  the  matter  as  an  adiaphoroii}  Hoop- 
er's resignation  was  declined,  and  every  method,  even  that 
of  sending  him  to  prison  for  a  time,  was  used  to  induce 
compliance.  It  was  not  till  after  nine  months  of  such 
discipline  that  he  yielded  so  far  as  to  be  consecrated  in 
the  robes ;  on  the  condition,  however,  of  being  dispensed 
from  the  farther  use  of  them.  Subsequent  ordinations 
showed  the  increasing  influence  of  his  views.  The  spirit 
of  genuine  toleration  was  manifested,  moreover,  in  the 
following  ordinance  respecting  the  German  church,  formed 
in  London,  under  the  superintendence  of  John  a  Lasco : 
"  We  command  the  Lord  Mayor,  the  aldermen  and  mag- 
istrates of  the  city  of  London,  that  they  permit  the  said 
superintendent  and  ministers  to  enjoy  and  exercise  their 
own  proper  rites  and  ceremonies,  and  their  proper  and 
peculiar  ecclesiastical  discipline,  without  hindrance,  let, 
or  molestation,  albeit  they  differ  from  the  usages  and 
ceremonies  of  our  realm,  any  law,  proclamation  or  ordi- 
nance, which  may  have  been  set  forth,  to  the  contrary 
notwithstanding." 

1  So  likewise  Calvin,  who  in  a  letter  to  Bullinger,  March  10th,  1551, 
sympathizes  indeed  with  Hooper  in  the  rejection  of  the  vestments,  but 
adds,  nevertheless :  maluissem  non  usque  adeo  ipsum  pugnare,  idque 
nuper  suadcbam. 


NEW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY.  28 

Still,  with  all  their  good  intentions,  their  sagacity  and 
zeal,  the  English  Reformers  had  to  contend  against  great 
difficulties.  Among  these,  none  is  more  worthy  of  notice 
than  the  one  mentioned  by  Calvin,  in  a  letter  to  Farcl,  in 
the  year  1551 ;  for  it  has  reference  to  the  inner  condition 
of  the  church.  lie  says :  "  The  nobility,  having  seized  on 
the  revenues  of  the  church,  during  the  king's  minority, 
caused  the  offices  of  the  clergy  to  be  exercised,  or  their 
places  to  be  occupied  by  mercenary  hirelings.  The  church 
is  robbed  of  its  faithful  servants."  In  this  we  see  the 
fruits  of  the  policy  by  which  the  Reformation  was  urged 
forward  under  Henry  VIII.  Cranmer's  efforts  were  zeal- 
ously seconded  by  the  Lord  Protector,  the  Duke  of  Somer- 
set, to  whose  own  heart  the  interests  of  the  Reformation 
lay  very  near,  as  appears  from  a  letter  addressed  to  him  by 
Calvin ;  who  also  bears  witness  to  what  the  Duke  had  to 
contend  with.  The  bishops  who  made  open  resistance 
were  indeed  deposed;  but  the  iiTesolution  manifest  in 
dealing  with  those  who  held  themselves  uncommitted, 
gives  evidence  that  the  former  were  strengthened  in 
their  position  by  members  of  the  regency  (for  instance. 
Lord  Chancellor  Wriothsley),  who  were  favorably  in- 
clined to  the  papacy,  as  well  as  by  the  prospect  that  a 
Catholic  of  the  most  rigid  sort  might  be  Edward's  suc- 
cessor. At  length,  the  king's  privy  council  resolved  to 
comply  with  the  appeals  made  to  them  from  various  quar- 
ters,^ by  proceeding  to  a  reformation  of  the  church  doc- 
trines. Cranmer,  and  Ridley,  bishop  of  Rochester,  were 
charged  with  this  undertaking.  They  drew  up  forty-two 
articles  on  the  leading  points  of  the  Christian  faith,  coj^ies 
of  which  were  sent  to  the  rest  of  the  bishops,  and  other 
learned   clergymen,  for  their    suggestions ;    these   being 

1  See  also  Calvin,  in  a  letter  to  Cranmer,  in  the  year  1551. 


24  NEW  ENGLAND   THEOCRACY.  | 

i 

added,  and  the  whole  thoroughly  revised  by  Cranmer,  ; 
they  were  submitted  to  the  Privy  Council,  and  received  | 
the  confirmation  of  the  king.  It  is  a  noticeable  circum-  ; 
stance,  that  the  articles  were  neither  laid  before  the  clergy  ; 
in  Parliament,  nor  in  the  houses  of  convocation,  although  j 
reference  is  made  to  the  latter,  in  the  title  under  which  I 
they  appear.  This  omission  is  to  be  attributed,  not  merely  j 
to  the  purpose  of  establishing  the  king's  ecclesiastical  ; 
supremacy,  but,  in  part,  no  doubt,  to  the  fear  of  an  opposi-  : 
tion,  which  it  would  not  have  been  easy  to  override.  ; 
Cranmer  had  it  in  mind,  moreover,  to  bring  about  a  better  I 
representation  of  the  clergy^  in  these  assemblies.  Soon  \ 
after  the  publication  of  the  Articles  of  Faith,  the  revision  ; 
of  the  service  was  taken  in  hand,  and  a  far  simpler  form  \ 
of  divine  worship  was  set  forth  in  the  Book  of  Common  : 
Prayer,  and  most  of  the  popish  ceremonies  were  abro-  • 
gated.  While,  however,  it  was  merely  reforms  in  existing  \ 
usages  and  institutions,  which  were  attempted  in  these  pro-  • 
ceedings,  it  was  with  the  manifest  design  of  extending  ■ 
them,  step  by  step,  into  a  thorough  reformation.  The  i 
Confession  of  Faith  was  the  Augustine ;  through  the  for-  ! 
eign  advisers,  whose  agency  in  the  new  measures  is  not  to  j 
be  mistaken,  the  English  Reformation  was  placed  in  inti-  ] 
mate  connection  with  that  of  the  Swiss  Church.  It  was  ; 
certain  that,  so  soon  as  Edward  VI.  should  come  into  the  j 
exercise  of  supreme  power,  all  influences  would  be  made  to  j 
concur  for  the  furtherance  of  the  work  thus  begun.  The  ^ 
brilliant  qualities  of  the  young  king  were  acknowledged  ; 
by  the  unanimous  voice  of  his  time,  and  Calvin  extols  in  ! 
him  the  union  of  superior  gifts  with  rare  piety.     But  he  j 

1  In  the  year  1558  an  ordinance  was  passed  making  the  Houses  of  Con-  ] 
vocation  entirely  independent  of  the  crown.  —  NeaVs  History  of  the  Ftiri-  \ 
tans,  I,  p.  132.  j 


NEW  ENGLAND   THEOCRACY.  25 

<licd  in  1553,  not  having  yet  completed  his  sixteenth  year. 
C  alvin  thus  writes  to  Farel,  in  August  of  the  same  year: 
**  What  you  say  is  true ;  that  country  has  been  deprived  of 
an  incomparable  jewel,  of  which  it  was  not  worthy.  I 
maintain  that,  in  the  death  of  this  minor,  the  whole  nation 
has  lost  its  best  father." 


REION   OF   CATHOLIC    MART — THE   PROTESTANT   EXILES. 

Mary,  daughter  of  Henry  VIII.  and  of  Katherine  of 
Arragon,  now  ascended  the  throne.  Her  devotion  to  the 
papacy  finds  its  solution  in  the  sufferings  endured  by  her- 
self, as  well  as  by  her  mother,  in  consequence  of  her 
father's  rupture  vnth  the  Romish  See.  At  first,  indeed, 
she  promised  to  make  no  change  in  the  religion,  and  sub- 
sequently declared  her  resolution  to  constrain  no  one, 
except  through  the  teachings  of  the  "Word.  But,  ere  long, 
it  became  manifest  that  she  was  determined  to  use  the 
ecclesiastical  supremacy,  now  attached  to  the  crown,  for 
the  complete  restoration  of  the  former  relations  to  Rome. 
Her  first  step  was,  to  release  from  prison  the  adherents  of 
the  papacy,  and  to  put  in  their  place  the  "  leaders  of  the 
Refonnation."  The  foreigners  who  had  favored  this  work 
were  notified  to  leave  the  kingdom.  These  exiles  were 
accompanied  by  many  English  fugitives ;  among  them,  five 
bishops,  as  many  deans,  four  archdeacons,  and  about  fifty 
doctors  of  theology  and  distinguished  preachers.  By  the 
beginning  of  November,  1553,  all  the  ordinances  issued 
under  Edward  VI.,  for  the  regulation  of  religion,  were 
abolished.  The  bishops  and  ministers  known  to  be  hostile 
to  the  papacy  were  then  deposed  by  a  visitation ;  some  on 
the  ground  that  they  were  married,  some  simply  ''  by  the 
royal  pleasure,"   that  being,  indeed,  the  sole  tenure  on 

.3 


26  NEW   ENGLAND   THEOCRACY. 

which  their  offices  were  held.  The  number  thus  deposed 
is  estimated  at  three  thousand.  At  the  same  time,  mass 
was  everywhere  reestablished.  A  disputation  with  the 
leaders  of  the  suppressed  party,  appointed  to  be  held  at 
Oxford,  in  April,  failed  of  the  desired  result,  through  their 
steadfast  confession  of  the  truth,  so  far  as  they  had  at- 
tained it.  In  the  summons  for  a  parliament,  in  November 
of  the  same  year,  the  title,  "  Supreme  Head  of  the  Church," 
was  omitted.  The  sentence  pronounced  under  Henry 
VIII.  against  Cardinal  Pole,  a  kinsman  of  the  royal 
family,  for  intriguing,  from  Italy,  in  favor  of  the  Pope, 
was  annulled.  He  then  made  his  appearance,  as  legate  of 
the  Romish  See ;  and  Parliament,  after  having  first  re- 
ceived pardon  for  past  offences,  again  subjected  the  king- 
dom to  the  dominion  of  the  Pope.  In  January,  1555, 
Parliament  repealed  the  laws,  all  and  several,  issued 
against  the  papal  chair  since  the  twentieth  year  of 
Henry's  reign,  and  restored  the  former  ordinances  respect- 
ing the  burning  of  heretics.  The  execution  of  the  ordi- 
nances, in  which  Bishop  Gardiner  (the  same  who  has  been 
already  mentioned)  made  himself  especially  conspicuous, 
gave  character  to  Mary's  reign.  Two  hundred  and  seventy- 
seven  persons,  of  all  ranks  and  ages,  among  them  Cran- 
mer,  Ridley,  and  Hooper,  sealed  their  faith  with  their 
blood:  while  not  a  less  number,  who  were  appointed  to 
the  same  fate,  were  released  from  prison  by  Mary's  suc- 
cessor. It  must,  by  no  means,  be  overlooked,  that  here,* 
also,  the  blood  of  the  martyrs  became  the  seed  of  a  spir- 
itual Christianity;  for  a  faith  so  sealed  was  a  kind  of 
preaching  far  more  impressive  and  efficacious  than  any 
governmental  statutes  and  ordinances. 

Another  result  of  the  persecution,  not  less  important, 
was  the  close  and  endearing  connection  into  which  the 


NEW  ENGLAND   THEOCRACY.  27 

English  Reformation  was  brouglit,  through  the  nnmerous 
body  of  exiles,  with  those  foreign  churches  in  which  the 
great  change  had  begun  more  within  and  below,  and 
thence  had  worked  outwanls  and  upA\mrds.  In  many 
I  laet's  in  Switzerland  and  western  Germany,  where  the 
Calvinistic  doctrines  prevailed,  there  were  formed  EngUsh 
churches. 

But  now  a  question  came  up,  which  hitherto  had  been 
kept  out  of  sight  or  glossed  over,  viz. :  wiiethcr  it  were 
lawful,  or,  if  so,  whether  it  were  expedient,  for  the  exiles  # 
to  extend  the  Reformation  beyond  the  limits  determined 
under  Edward  VI.  The  English  theologians  of  Strasburg 
and  Basle  advocated  a  strict  adherence  to  the  liturgy  pre- 
scribed in  the  Book  of  Common  Prayer.  The  church  in 
Frankfort,  on  the  contrary,  omitted  in  their  public  wor- 
ship certain  customary  usages,  as  the  litany  and  responses. 
To  this  it  was  objected,  at  Strasburg,  that,  "by  deviating 
at  this  crisis  from  King  Edward's  Book,  they  seemed  ta 
cast  reproach  on  those  who  were  now  sealing  it  with  their 
blood,  and  gave  occasion  to  their  opposers  to  accuse  them 
of  instability."  The  Frankfort  brethren  replied,  December 
2d,  1554,  that  "they  had  set  aside  as  few  ceremonies  as 
was  possible,  and  were  therefore  in  no  danger  of  being 
charged  with  instability.  They  supposed  the  martyrs  in 
England  did  not  die  in  defence  of  changeable  ceremonies ; 
in  reference  to  doctrine,  there  existed  no  difference." 

Agreement  on  the  disputed  point  not  being  secured,  the 
Frankfort  church  solicited  the  advice  of  Calvin.  In  a 
letter  dated  January  18th,  1555,  the  Reformer  expresses 
his  deep  regret,  that,  under  the  present  circumstances,  dis- 
sensions should  have  arisen  from  such  causes.  He  adds ; 
"  In  the  English  liturgy  there  are,  I  perceive,  many  weak- 
nesses to  be  borne  with.    In  these  two  words  I  would  say, 


28  NEW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY. 

that  while  all  the  purity  has  not  indeed  been  attained  that 
could  be  desired,  yet,  since  the  defects  cannot  be  remedied 
all  in  a  moment,  and  contain  nothing  openly  unscriptural, 
they  should  become  with  for  a  time.  On  this  basis,  there 
might  be  an  accommodation.  Still  it  were  advisable  that 
learned,  upright,  and  zealous  servants  of  Christ  should 
make  it  an  object  to  perfect  the  w^ork  into  something  more 
pure  and  edifying.  If  true  religion  is  again  to  flourish 
in  England,  some  things  in  it  must  be  amended,  and  much 

►  done  away  with."  He  concedes  to  them  the  right  to  insti- 
tute such  changes,  and  very  plainly  charges  those  who  op- 
pose it  with  narrowness  and  obstinacy ;  while  at  the  same 
time,  he  warns  the  Frankfort  brethren  not  to  be  too  rigid. 
Confirmed  by  this  decision  of  Calvin,  the  Frankfort  church 
adhered  to  the  order  which  they  had  adopted,  under  the 
guidance  of  their  pastor,  John  Knox,  afterwards  the  cele- 
brated  Scotch   Reformer.     Not  long   after,  Cox,  foiTaer 

•tutor  to  Edward  YI.,  arrived  in  Frankfort  with  others  of 
the  same  views,  and  attempted  to  introcUice  the  liturgy 
unchanged.  Being  admitted,  with  his  friends,  to  a  voice 
in  the  church,  he  managed  to  secure  a  majority;  and  by 
an  accusation  against  Knox  before  the  magistrate,  on  the 
ground  of  a  foimer  writing  in  which  the  Reformer  had 
indulged  in  some  hard  thrusts  at  the  Emperor,  obtained 
his  removal.  Neither  the  consciousnesss  of  their  de- 
pressed state,  nor  the  counsels  of  the  Frankfort  govern- 
ment, with  all  the  confidence  it  had  inspired  by  its  protec- 
tion of  the  church,  could  reestablish  peace.  Equally 
unavailing  was  a  letter  from  Calvin  to  Cox  and  his  ad- 
herents, w^ho  had  sought  his  countenance  to  their  pro- 
ceedings. He  expressed  his  disapprobation  of  "  burdening 
the  church  with  corrupting  and  useless  ceremonies,  when 
liberty  was  enjoyed  for  introducing  a  pure   and  simple 


NEWT  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY.  29 

order.  Tlio  measures  against  Knox  were  neither  pious 
nor  brotherly.  It  was  their  duty  to  make  any  sacrifico  for 
appeasing  the  strife;  but  if  it  should  be  impossible  to 
remain  in  the  same  place  with  their  opponents,  yet  let 
unity  in  spirit  be  still  maintained."  The  old  church,  how- 
rver,  was  obliged  to  abandon  Frankfort.  Some  of  them 
went  to  Basle ;  but  the  greater  part,  of  whom  Knox  was 
one,  repaired  to  Geneva,  where  they  adopted  the  church 
( )rder  there  established.  They  published  a  liturgy  on  this 
model,  and  several  distinguished  ministers  among  them 
occupied  themselves  with  a  revision  of  Tyndale's  trans- 
lation of  the  Bible.  The  new  church  at  Frankfort  subse- 
quently experienced  still  another  division,  which,  though 
of  less  importance  than  the  former,  again  tenninated  in 
the  secession  of  a  minority,  in  December,  1557.  But  soon 
after  this,  a  total  change  of  relations  was  brought  about  by 
the  death  of  Queen  Mary.  She  died  on  the  17th  of  No- 
vember, 1558 ;  and  Elizabeth,  daughter  of  Anne  Boleyn, 
who  had  been  subjected  to  harsh  treatment,  and  even 
exposed  to  great  danger  under  her  sister's  reign,  ascended 
the  English  throne. 

ELIZABETH— THE    PRELATISTS   AND   PURITANS  —  CABTWBIGHT. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  year  1559,  a  Parliament  as- 
sembled which  was  decidedly  favorable  to  a  reformation. 
After  the  repeal  of  certain  laws  passed  during  the  previous 
reign,  the  ecclesiastical  supremacy  of  the  crown  was  rees- 
tablished by  an  Act,  whereby  the  queen  was  likewise 
authorized  to  constitute  a  High  Commission  Court,  for  the 
examination  and  punishment  of  all  eiTors,  heresies,  divi- 
sions, abuses  and  contempts.  These  decisions  respecting 
the  supremacy,  though  not  void  of  offence  to  some,  and 


80  NEW   ENGLAND    THEOCRACY. 

though  a  disappointment  to  many  who  had  looked  for 
progress  in  this  respect,  were  nevertheless  acceded  to. 
But  the  Act,  thereu2:)on  resolved  on  in  Parliament,  for 
uniformity  in  divine,  service,  awakened  the  opi:)Osition  of 
those  who,  on  account  of  their  efforts  for  the  purifica- 
tion of  divine  service,  were  termed  Puritans,  It  is  wor- 
thy of  note  that  the  w^ords :  "  From  the  tyranny  of  the 
Bishop  of  Rome  and  his  abominable  cruelties,  deliver  us," 
w^ere  struck  out  of  the  new  Litany.  Another  deviation 
from  the  liturgy  of  Edward,  was  the  omission  of  the 
words :  "  By  the  kneeling  at  the  sacrament,  no  worship  of 
a  bodily  presence  of  Christ  is  signified."  Both  these 
changes  were  manifestly  made  in  favor  of  the  Catholic 
party,  which,  however,  refused  to  be  propitiated.  The 
papal  bishops  agreed  on  five  Articles,  which  they  sub- 
mitted to  Parliament,  maintaining  the  bodily  presence  of 
Christ  in  the  sacrament  of  the  altar,  transubstantiation, 
mass,  and  the  supremacy  of  the  Romish  See ;  and  that  no 
authority  in  matters  of  faith  and  discipline  is  to  be  con- 
ceded to  the  laity.  They  were  thereupon  dismissed  in 
a  body.  Towards  the  end  of  the  year  1559,  the  arch- 
bishopric of  Canterbury,  having  remained  a  year^  va- 
cant, was  conferred  on  Matthew  Parker.  By  his  influence, 
the  queen,  who  was  naturally  a  lover  of  pomp,  was  insti- 
gated to  such  severities  against  the  Puritans  as  could  not 
fail  to  produce  a  breach.  Still,  Elizabeth  might  have  con- 
sented to  a  simplification  of  the  ceremonies,  as  she  subse- 
quently yielded  her  early  prejudice  against  the  marriage 
of  the  clergy,  had  not  the  question  presented  itself  to  her 
as  an  infringement  of  her  ecclesiastical  supremacy.  In  the 
year  1562,  the  former  Confession  of  Faith  under  Edward, 

1  Cardinal  Pole,  the  successor  of  Cranmer,  had  died  on  the  same  day 
with  Queen  Mary. 


NEW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY.  31 

ilie  Tliirty-nine  Articles,  so  called,  was  reestablished. 
he  changes  were  unessential  as  far  as  the  supplementary 
clause  of  the  twentieth  article :  "  The  Church  has  j)owcr 
to  institute  rites  and  ceremonies,  and  authority  in  religious 
controversies."  It  is  indeed  doubtful  whether  these  words 
were  added  at  that  time ;  but  incontestably  they  stand  in 
the  Confession  of  Faith  as  confirmed  by  Parliament.  But, 
general  as  was  the  subscription  of  the  lEnglish  clergy  to 
these  Articles,  an  antipathy  to  the  prescribed  ceremonies 
manifested  itself  on  every  side,  which  found  support  in 
tlie  views  of  many  bishops  and  distinguished  clergymen  of 
l']ngland,  as  well  as  in  those  of  the  most  esteemed  foreign 
tlieologians.  The  nation  at  large,  also,  and  the  leading 
statesmen,  gave  open  signs  of  dissatisfaction  with  a  cere- 
monial which  reminded  them  of  the  preceding  unhappy 
reign.  But  the  queen,  under  date  of  25th  January,  1564, 
wrote  to  the  archbishops  of  Canterbury  and  York  that 
"they  should  take  effectual  means  for  bringing  about 
an  exact  order  and  uniformity  in  all  outward  rites  and 
ceremonies,  established  by  law  and  good  usage;  and  hence- 
forth only  such  should  be  admitted  to  any  spiritual  office 
as  were  disposed  to  follow  common  order,  and  should  for- 
mally promise  to  act  in  accordance  thereto."  As  the 
result  of  this  letter,  a  series  of  advertisements  were  issued 
by  the  commission  in  spiritual  matters,  consisting  of  the 
Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  and  the  Bishops  of  London 
and  Rochester,  requiring  that  on  the  1st  of  March,  1564, 
all  licenses  to  clerical  offices  should  be  renewed,  and  the 
former  canonical  vestments  be  universally  resumed.  To 
these  advertisements  it  was  owing  that  the  Puritan  views, 
which  had  hitherto  been  merely  a  denial  of,  and  an  oppo- 
sition to,  the  dominant  views,  now  assumed  a  positive 
form.     The  requisitions  were  boldly  and  firmly  protested 


82  NEW   ENGLAND   THEOCRACY. 

against,  both  as  the  occasion  of  great  offence  to  the  peo- 
ple, and  as  an  infringement  of  the  christian  liberty  jiroper 
in  such  matters.  Thirty-seven  London  ministers,  at  a 
conference  on  the  26th  March,  1565,  united  in  such  a 
protest.  Their  deprivation,  in  consequence  of  this  step, 
left  many  churches  desolate ;  but  this  made  as  little  im- 
pression as  did  an  appeal  to  the  queen  and  the  commis- 
sion. The  dissenting  clergymen  then  set  forth  a  defence 
of  their  -proceedings,  through  the  press ;  but  on  the  29th 
June,  1566,  a  law  forbade  the  printing  and  sale  of  all 
writings  of  this  kind.  During  this  time  the  deprived  min- 
isters had  held  assemblies  in  London,  to  which  resorted 
great  numbers  of  the  laity,  unintimidated  by  the  severe 
penalties  incurred  by  those  who  did  not  attend  their 
parish  churches.  But  on  the  19th  of  June,  1567,  one  of 
these  assemblies  was  discovered  and  broken  uj).  Of  those 
who  were  apprehended  on  this  occasion,  seven  or  eight 
were  tried  on  the  following  day.  On  the  charge  of  having 
"  contemned  the  royal  authority  for  settling  things  indif- 
ferent in  respect  to  divine  service,"  they  were,  after  a  bold 
and  candid  defence  of  their  conduct,  condemned  to  impris- 
onment, which  they  suffered  for  about  a  year. 

Still,  the  proceedings  against  Puritans  were  as  yet 
restrained  within  certain  limits,  since,  in  some  of  the 
remote  districts  of  England,  they  found  protectors  even  in 
the  bishops  themselves. 

It  was  during  this  very  period  that  the  attention  of  the 
queen  was  especially  directed  towards  the  Catholics.  The 
Catholic  princes  had  concluded  a  league  among  themselves, 
against  the  Reformation;  in  the  north,  insurrections  had 
broken  out  under  distinguished  leaders ;  and,  in  1569,  the 
pope  excommunicated  the  queen  and  kingdom. 

But,  in  spite  of  all  this,  the  breach  continually  widened. 


N£Mr  ENGLAND  TUEOCRACY.  88 

The  vestments,  though  they  gave  the  first  impnlse  to  the 
. .  )ntrover8y,  formed  but  one  among  many  points,  in  which 
the  Puritans  dissented  from  the  State  Church.  In  1570, 
these  points,  which  had  previously  come  singly  under  con- 
sideration, were  exhibited  in  connection  by  Thomas  Cart- 
M  light,  the  same  who  has  been  called  the  fiither  of  the 
Puritans,  though  his  labor  was  rather  that  of  apologist 
than  founder.  Cartwright  was  a  Professor  at  Cambridge, 
and,  in  Beza's  opinion,  there  was  no  more  learned  man 
under  the  sun.  His  main  positions  were  these  :  "  Every- 
thing in  the  church  must  be  brought  back  to  the  apostolic 
form;  hence  the  only  offices  should  be  those  of  bishop 
and  deacon ;  not  only  the  archbishops  and  archdeacons, 
but  the  bishops,  chancelloi*s  and  officials  should  be  dis- 
l>c'nsed  with;  the  sign  of  the  cross  at  baptism,  the  fasts, 
and  festivals,  should  be  abrogated,  and,  on  the  other  hand, 
an  exact  observance  of  the  Sabbath  be  introduced.  Bish- 
ops should  not  bo  appointed  by  civil  authority,  but  be 
chosen  by  the  church,  and  each  congregation  should  have 
its  own  pastor.  He  protested  also  against  the  requirement 
of  the  liturgy,  ordained  by  special  command  of  the  queen, 
that  every  person  must  kneel  at  the  reception  of  the  sac- 
rament." For  maintaining  these  opinions,  Cartwright  was 
expelled  from  the  University.  Leaving  England,  he 
officiated  for  two»  years  as  preacher  to  the  English  mer- 
chants in  Holland.  On  his  return  to  England,  he  was  sub- 
jected to  severe  persecutions ;  but  at  length  the  favor  of 
the  Earl  of  Leicester  obtained  for  him  a  quiet  retreat. 

In  Parliament,  the  Puritans  seem  to  have  found  a  pow- 
nful  support,  voices  of  weight  being  there  repeatedly 
raised  in  their  favor.  'When,  in  1571,  an  act  was  passed 
confirming  the  thirty-nine  Articles,  and  requiring  sub- 
scription to  the  same,  the  clause  "which  concerns  only 


34  NEW  ENGLAND   THEOCRACY. 

the  confession  of  the  true  faith,  and  the  doctrines  of  the 
sacrament,"  was  added,  to  prevent  the  differences  in  ref- 
erence to  discipline  and  ceremonies  being  made  a  ground 
of  removal  from  office.  To  this,  however,  the  ecclesiastical 
commission  paid  no  attention;  while  the  queen  sent  to 
the  tower  those  members  who  had  ventured  to  speak  their 
minds  freely.  On  a  subsequent  occasion  of  this  kind,  she 
even  went  so  far  as  to  tell  Parliament  that  "  they  might 
busy  themselves  with  what  was  out  of  the  way  in  their 
respective  shires ;  but  affairs  of  State  they  were  to  leave 
to  herself  and  her  privy  council;  and,  in  like  manner, 
those  of  the  Church  to  herself  and  the  bishops."  The 
persecutions  were  also  continued  against  such  of  the  laity 
as  neglected  their  j^arish  churches.  Yet  in  1572  there 
arose,  in  the  immediate  neighborhood  of  London,  a  j)res- 
bytery  wherein  elders  were  elected  whose  members  w<ere 
so  fortunate  as  to  remain  for  a  time  undiscovered.  The 
Puritans  were  not  permitted  to  connect  themselves  with 
the  foreign  churches  existing  in  London;  nor  were  they 
allowed  public  disputations,  whose  results,  or  rather  want 
of  result,  it  was  to  be  sure  easy  to  foresee. 

In  the  year  1575  Archbishop  Parker  died.  Soon  after,  two 
Anabaptists  perished  at  the  stake,  the  first  martyrs  to  their 
oi^inions  under  this  reign.  Grindal,  Archbishop  of  York, 
having  succeeded  to  the  See  of  Canterbury,  pushed  on  at 
first  the  persecution  of  the  Puritans ;  but  when  the  queen 
peremptorily  required  the  cessation  of  those  assemblies,  in 
which  clergymen  had  been  accustomed  to  meet  for  their 
own  edification  and  improvement,  Grindal  took  these  exer- 
cises under  his  protection.  Nay,  he  even  admonished  the 
queen,  "That  she  should  not  pronounce  so  absolutely 
and  peremptorily  in  matters  of  faith  and  religion,  where 
the  will  of  God,  and  not  of  any  earthly  creature,  is  to  take 


NEW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY.  85 

place."  But  the  queen  immediately  deprived  him  of  his 
rchiepiscopal  functions,  in  which  he  was  not  reinstated 
till  the  year  before  his  death,  which  happened  in  1583. 
Still  the  persecutions  did  not  cease.  In  1582,  two  clergy- 
men were  executed  for  circulating  anti-prelatical  writings, 
tliough  the  author  himself  Robert  Brown,  of  whom  wo 
shall  hear  more  particularly  by  and  by,  was  released  from 
prison. 

On  the  accession  of  Whitgift,  the  personal  enemy  of 
Cartwright,  to  the  See  of  Canterbury,  the  measures  for  the 
suppression  of  the  Puritans  became  yet  more  rigorous. 
He  petitioned  the  queen  for  the  new  organization  of  a 
High  Commission,  which  should  be  clothed  with  the 
power  of  the  former  vicar  general  of  the  kingdom,^  for 
applying  all  ways  and  means  for  the  detection  and  punish- 
ment of  dissent.  Among  these  is  particularly  mentioned 
the  oath,  by  which  the  accused  was  compelled  to  testify 
all  he  knew  concerning  himself  and  others. 

How  the  articles  of  this  Commission  were  regarded  may 
be  seen  by  a  letter  from  Lord  Treasurer  Burleigh  to  the 
Archbishop,  dated  15th  July,  1584.  After  explaining  that 
he  had  been  solicited,  not  alone  by  sundry  ministers,  but 
by  councillors  and  statesmen,  to  oppose  the  hard  dealing 
of  the  archbishop,  as  affording  encouragement  to  papists, 
and  exposing  the  queen  to  great  danger,  he  proceeds; 
•  I  find  the  articles  so  full  of  branches  and  circumstances, 
as  I  think  the  Inquisitors  of  Spain  use  not  so  many  ques- 
tions to  comprehend  and  to  trap  their  preys This 

sifting  of  poor  ministers  is  not  to  edify  or  reform.  I  write 
with  the  testimony  of  a  good  conscience.  I  desire  the 
peace  of  the  church.      I  desire  concord  and  unity  in  the 

1  Thomas  Cromwell,  under  Henry  Yin.    See  p.  23. 


36  NEW  ENGLAND   THEOCRACY. 

exercise  of  our  religion.  I  favor  no  sensual  and  wilful 
recusants.  But  I  conclude  that,  according  to  my  simple 
judgment,  this  kind  of  proceeding  is  too  much  savoring  of 
the  R-omish  Inquisition,  and  is  rather  a  device  to  seek  for 
offenders  than  to  reform  any." 

But  this  letter  had  as  little  effect  as  the  opinion  expressed 
this  same  year  by  the  whole  Privy  Council,  to  the  High 
Commission,  "that  the  j^eople  ought  not  to  be  robbed  of 
their  faithful,  learned  and  godly  ministers  on  account  of 
certain  points  respecting  ceremonies,  by  which  their  con- 
sciences were  disquieted."  The  clergy  were  deprived  in 
great  numbers,  so  that  complaints  of  the  want  of  ministers 
poured  in  from  every  quarter ;  and  imj^risonments  of  the 
severest  kind  were  inflicted  on  both  clergy  and  laity.  It 
should  not  indeed  be  omitted  that,  in  many  cases,  the 
demeanor  of  the  Puritans  in  courts  of  justice,  and  the  tone 
of  their  satirical  writings,  were  not  such  as  tended  to  j^ro- 
mote  a  reconciliation.  But  in  general  they  seem  to  have 
been  constrained  to  resistance  by  the  force  of  conscience. 
Nor  had  they  as  yet  relinquished  the  hope  of  some  modi- 
fication of  these  rigorous  positions,  on  the  part  of  the 
Church  leaders;  for  their  dissent  thus  far  had  reference 
chiefly  to  single  points,  and  no  clearly  defined  principle, 
embracing  all  these,  had  distinctly  confronted  the  teach- 
ings of  the  Church. 


ORGANIZATION   OF   THE   PURITAN   PARTY   THROUGH   BROWN; 
SEPARATISTIC   ELEMENTS. 

A  firmer  organization  was  at  length  given  to  Puritanic 
dissent  by  a  man  whose  headstrong  and  self-seeking  tem- 
per certainly  did  not  qualify  him  to  be  the  founder  of  a 


NEW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY.  87 

new  church-party,  and  who  sci-vcd  in  liis  labors  merely  as 
a  transition  to  the  Independents  of  a  later  period.  It  was 
in  the  year  1586,  that  Robert  Brown,  from  whom  his  adhe- 
rents derived  the  name  of  Brownists,  propounded  a  more 
complete  theory  in  reference  to  church  government. 
Brown,  who  was  bom  in  1549,  was-  descended  from  a  dis- 
tinguished family,  and  was  a  relative  of  Lord  Treasurer 
Burleigh.  As  early  as  1517,  when  a  preacher  in  London, 
he  had  been  cited  before  Archbishop  Parker  for  some 
departures  from  the  prescribed  ceremonies ;  but  his  position 
as  chaplain  to  the  Duke  of  Norfolk  had  then  saved  liim 
from  punishment.  Subsequently,  he  assailed  the  discipline 
and  ceremonies  of  the  Church  with  great  violence,  and 
counselled  his  hearei-s  on  no  conditions  to  submit  to  them. 
Having  been  thrown  into  prison  on  this  account  at  Nor- 
Avich,  in  1580,  and  then  brought  to  London  at  the  instance 
of  the  Lord  Treasurer,  he  confessed  that  he  had  erred,  re- 
tracted, and  was  dismissed.  Two  years  after  appeared  his 
book :  "  The  Life  and  Manners  of  true  Christians."  Again 
cited  to  answer  for  the  charges  therein  contained  against 
the  bishops,  he  confessed  himself  the  author  of  the  book, 
but  declared  that  it  had  been  published  against  his  will. 
Again  his  powerful  friends  stepped  in  and  saved  him; 
though,  as  has  been  already  mentioned,  in  1583  two  minis- 
ters were  executed  for  circulating  this  very  book.  Brown 
now  kept  himself  quiet  for  several  years.  But  in  the  year 
1586,  he  began  to  itinerate  through  the  country,  preaching 
against  bishops,  ceremonies,  spiritual  courts,  and  the  forms 
used  in  ordaining  the  clergy.  He  afterwards  boasted  of 
having  lain  in  thirty-two  prisons.  At  length  he  succeeded 
in  organizing  a  church  on  his  own  principles ;  but  so  vigi- 
lant was  the  persecution  against  him,  that  he  saw  himself 
compelled  to  leave  England.    Several  of  his  friends  accom- 

4 


88  NEW  ENGLAND   THEOCRACY. 

panied  him  to  Holland,  where  they  obtained  leave  of  the 
government  to  worship  God  after  their  own  manner,  and 
founded  a  church  in  Middleburg.  Divisions  soon  suc- 
ceeded Avhich  disclosed  the  arbitrary  and  imperious  temper 
of  Brown.  In  1589,  he  returned  to  England,  recanted  his 
former  opinions,  and  became  rector  of  a  church  in  North- 
amptonshire. At  a  later  period,  he  neither  exhibited  the 
strictness  of  the  Puritans  in  his  domestic  life,  nor  con- 
cerned himself  about  the  duties  of  his  office ;  while  the 
rigor  with  which  he  enforced  his  personal  claim  to  the 
tithes  was  in  glaring  contrast  with  the  principles  he  had 
formerly  expressed. 

These  principles,  wdiich  were  for  a  time  adhered  to  by 
his  followers  in  England,  were,  in  respect  to  their  negative 
as  well  as  their  positive  side,  separatistic  in  character. 
Though  not  dissenting  from  the  Articles  of  Faith  held  by 
the  English  church,  the  Brownists  declared  it  "  to  be  no 
true  church,  and  the  ordination  of  the  clergy  in  the  same 
to  be  null ;  since  its  discipline  was  popish  and  antichristian, 
and  it  bore  the  sign  of  a  false  church  in  its  persecution  for 
matters  of  conscience."  Hence  all  association  with  it  in 
prayer,  in  attendance  on  preaching,  or  in  any  part  of  public 
worship  whatever,  was  forbidden  to  their  communities. 
Nay,  they  were  not  only  to  abstain  from  all  felloAvship  with 
the  church  of  England,  but  with  all  other  reformed 
churches  not  modelled  after  their  own  pattern.  Their 
doctrine  was,  that  each  church  is  to  be  bounded  by  the 
limits  of  the  single  congregation,  and  must  be  purely  dem- 
ocratic in  its  government.  At  the  formation  of  such  a 
congregation  or  church,  the  members,  all  being  present, 
agreed  on  a  Confession  of  Faith,  and  subscribed  a  cove- 
nant by  which  they  bound  themselves  to  walk  according 
to  the  ordinances  of  the  gospel,  and  expressed  their  assent 


NEW  ENGLAND   THEOCRACY.  89 

to  certain  stated  laws  and  regulations.  In  respect  to  tlio 
admission  or  exclusion  of  members,  and  all  matters  of 
debate,  the  decision  was  in  the  hands  of  the  collective 
body.  The  church  oflicers  both  for  preaching  the  .word 
and  caring  for  the  poor,  were  chosen  by  themselves,  and 
were  set  apart  to  their  several  offices  by  fasting,  prayer, 
and  the  laying  on  of  hands  by  certain  of  the  brethren. 
The  priests  were  neither  to  fonu  a  distinct  class,  nor, 
necessarily,  to  remain  priests  in  perpetuity.  As  it  was  the 
voice  of  the  body  which  gave  to  each  his  office,  and  per- 
mission to  exercise  it  among  them  by  preaching  and  the 
administration  of  the  sacraments,  so  might  the  same  power 
dismiss  him  from  office,  and  reduce  him  again  to  the  posi- 
tion of  a  common  church  member.  In  case  the  number  of 
membere  became  too  great  for  one  and  the  same  place  of 
assembly,  they  were  to  divide ;  forming,  by  the  choice  of 
new  officers,  sister  churches  in  fellowship  with  each  other. 
No  church  might  exercise  any  judicial  right  or  authority 
over  another;  but  merely  counsel  and  admonish,  if  it 
walked  disorderly,  or  renounced  the  fundamental  truths  of 
religion ;  but  if  the  offiinding  church  did  not  receive  the 
admonition,  the  rest  were  to  withdraw  themselves  from  it, 
and  publicly  disown  it  as  no  true  church  of  Christ.  The 
exercise  of  the  church  offices  was  restricted  within  the  nar- 
row limits  of  the  single  society ;  a  pastor  being  allowed  to 
administer  baptism  and  the  Lord's  Supper,  only  to  the 
members  of  his  own  charge  or  to  their  immediate  children. 
The  Brownists  were  opposed  to  every  prescribed  form  of 
prayer,  and  permitted  the  lay  members  to  take  part  in 
preaching  and  exhortation  in  the  congregations. 

This  rigid  opposition  to  the  state  church,  expressed  not 
unfrequently  with  unbecoming  heat  and  violence,  as  well 
as  this  more  determinate  form  of  the   churches   of  the 


40  NEW  Ei!^GLAND    THEOCRACY. 

Brownists,  drew  upon  tliem  the  special  attention  of  the  bish- 
ops. Their  number,  in  sj^ite  of  the  recantation  of  their 
leader,  was  now  greatly  multiplied  in  England.  Several 
among  them  were  executed ;  many  of  them  lay  long  years  in 
prison ;  some  were  banished,  and  others  fled  voluntarily  to 
their  brethren  in  Holland.  Yet  in  1592  their  number  was 
stated,  by  Sir  Walter  Raleigh  in  Parliament,  to  be  about 
twenty  thousand.  Among  the  communities  which  they 
formed  in  Holland,  that  spirit  of  rigid  exclusiveness  in 
respect  to  other  churches  seems  to  have  been  soon  mod- 
erated; in  England  it  was  still  kept  up  by  persecution. 
This  suifered  no  interruption  by  the  death  of  Ehzabeth  in 
1603.  James  I,  who  had  grown  up  in  Scotland  under 
Presbyterian  influences,  deceived  the  hopes  of  the  Puri- 
tans. At  the  Conference  at  Hampton  Court,  in  1604,  he 
himself  took  decided  ground  against  them;  and  as  the 
result  of  renewed  ordinances,  about  three  hundred  minis- 
ters were,  the  same  year,  deprived,  thrown  into  prison,  or 
banished  from  the  country.  By  these  persecutions,  that 
man  also  was  driven  from  England  who  is  to  be  regarded 
as  the  Father  of  the  Independents ;  that  is,  of  the  Brown- 
ists, as  purified  from  separatistic  elements. 


ROBINSON,    THE    FATHER   OF   THE    INDEPENDENTS. 

As  early  as  1602,  a  number  of  Brownists  living  in  the 
north  of  England  had  subscribed  a  Confession  of  Faith,  in 
which  they  renounced  connection  with  the  established 
church.  Their  residences  being  remote  from  each  other, 
and  being  obliged  therefore  to  assemble  for  worship  in 
two  difierent  houses,  they  formed  two  churches,  which 
chose  for  their  Pastors  John  Smith  and  John  Robinson. 
The  former  soon  left  England,  however,  and  went  to  Am- 


NEW  ENGLAND   THEOCRACY.  41 

stcrd.im,  where  he  found  Brownists  ah'eady  settled.  Divis- 
ions had  arisen  among  them,  whose  effect  had  been  to 
moderate  thcii*  pastor,  Ainsworth,  in  his  opposition  to  other 
churches.  But  Smithy  a  man  who  luul  not  hesitated  to 
say  that  his  present  views  must  be  looked  for  only  in  his 
hist  writings,  could  not  unite  with  these  Brownists.  He 
connected  himself  with  the  Anabaptists,  left  Amsterdam, 
and  settled  in  Ley,  (perhaps  Leeum,  in  Brabant),  where, 
being  unable  to  find  any  qualified  administrator  of  the  sac- 
rament of  baptism,  he  first  baptized  himself,  whence  he 
received  the  name  Se-Baptist,  and  then  performed  the  rite 
lor  othei*s.  Subsequently,  he  professed  himself  of  the  doc- 
trine of  Arminius,  in  whose  defence  he  came  out  openly  in 
IGU.  At  his  death,  soon  after,  the  church  itself  became 
I  xtinct.  Robinson,  in  connection  with  Elder  William 
Brewster,  presided  several  years  longer  over  the  church  in 
the  north  of  England.  In  1608^  the  continued  persecu- 
tions, by  the  bishops  and  the  spiritual  courts,  obliged  them 
to  leave  Encrland  and  follow  their  brethren  in  the  laith  to 
Holland.  Finding,  on  his  arrival  in  Amsterdam,  that  the 
controversies  among  them  were  still  kept  up,  Robinson  re- 
moved with  his  congregation,  and  settled  in  Ley  den.  Here 
they  obtained  from  the  magistracy  permission  to  rent  a 
house  for  their  meetings,  and  established  a  form  of  public 
woi*ship  in  accordance  with  their  own  principles. 

At  firet,  the  views  of  Robinson  in  respect  to  other 
churches  were  strictly  those  of  the  Brownists.  But  after 
some  interchange  of  opinions  with  the  ministers  of  the 
churches  previously  established  in  Leyden,  it  seemed  to  him, 
that  though  right  and  necessary  still  to  remain  separated  from 
the   reformed   churches  among  which  he  lived,  yet  this 

1  Neal's  History  of  the  Puritans  11.  p.  40. 
«  Neal's  History  of  New  England,  I.  p.  76. 
4* 


42  NEW   ENGLAND   THEOCRACY. 

should  not  be  in  the  spirit  of  harsh  antagonism.  "We 
acknowledge, "  says  he,  in  his  Apology  for  the  Brownists, 
"  before  God  and  man,  that  we  harmonize  so  perfectly  with 
the  reformed  churches  of  the  Netherlands  in  matters  of 
religion,  as  to  be  ready  to  subscribe  their  Articles  of  Faith, 
and  every  one  of  them,  as  they  are  set  forth  in  their  Con- 
fession. We  recognize  these  reformed  churches  as  true 
and  genuine ;  we  liold  fellowship  with  them  as  far  as  w^e 
can ;  those  among  us  who  understand  Dutch,  attend  their 
preaching ;  we  oifer  the  Suj^per  to  such  of  their  members 
as  are  known  to  us,  and  may  occasionally  desire  it."  But,  at 
the  same  time,  he  steadfastly  maintained  that  each  single 
church,  or  society  of  Christians,  possesses  within  itself  full 
ecclesiastical  authority  for  choosing  officers,  for  administer- 
ing all  the  ordinances  of  the  gospel,  and  for  all  exercise  of 
authority  and  discipline  over  its  members;  that,  conse- 
quently, it  was  independent  of  all  synods,  convocations,  and 
councils.  He  granted  that  synods  and  councils  might  be 
useful  for  healing  divisions  between  the  churches,  and  im- 
parting to  them  friendly  advice ;  but  not  for  exercising  any 
judical  right  or  authority  whatever  over  them,  or  for  impos- 
ing on  them  any  canon,  or  any  article  of  faith  without^  the 
free  assent  of  the  church  itself  He  rejected,  as  national, 
the  constitution  of  the  church  of  England,  her  liturgy,  her 
prescribed  prayers  and  unrestricted  communion.  He  held  it 
necessary  to  exclude  unworthy  communicants,  and  that  those 
who  desired  the  privilege  of  christian  fellowship  should  be 
able  to  give  proofs  of  the  oj^eration  of  the  grace  of  God  in 
their  hearts.  This  latter  principle,  opposition  to  unrestricted 
communion,  was  of  the  greatest  moment  in  the  develop- 
ment of  the  Independent  churches,  especially  in  America. 
While  in  a  single  congregation,  isolated  among  a  foreign 
people,  it  could  be  carried  out  without  any  special  difficulty, 


NEW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY.  43 

it  gave  rise,  when  applied  to  a  great  community,  to  those 
disputes  and  conflicts  amidst  which  the  New  England 
cl lurch  unfolded  into  its  peculiar  form. 

Before  passing  to  the  emigration  of  the  Independents 
from  Holland  to  America,  we  will  mention  some  farther 
opinions  and  views  of  Robinson,  which  serve  to  indicate 
the  stand-point  of  this  remarkable  man.  Especially  char- 
acteristic is  his  language  respecting  the  Reformation,  in  his 
"  Justification  of  separation  from  the  Church  of  England," 
a  work  published  in  1610  as  an  answer  to  the  objections  of 
an  Episcopal  clergyman.     He  says '} 

"You  speak  much  of  the  reformation  of  your  church 
after  popery.  There  was,  indeed,  a  great  reformation  of 
things  in  your  church,  but  very  little  of  the  church,  to 
speak  truly  and  properly.  The  people  are  the  church ;  and 
to  make  a  reformed  church,  there  must  first  be  a  reformed 
people;  and  so  they  should  have  been  with  you,  by  the 
preaching  of  repentance  from  dead  works,  and  faith  in 
Christ ;  that  the  people,  as  the  Lord  should  have  vouch- 
safed grace,  being  first  fitted  for,  and  made  capable  of  the 
sacraments  and  other  ordinances,  might  afterwards  have 
communicated  in  the  pure  use  of  them ;  for  want  of  which, 
instead  of  a  pure  use,  there  hath  been,  and  is  at  this  day,  a 
most  profane  abuse  of  them,  to  the  great  dishonor  of 
Clirist  and  his  gospel,  and  to  the  hardening  of  thousands  in 
their  irapenitency.  Others  also  endeavoring  yet  a  further 
reformation,  have  sued  and  do  sue  to  kings,  and  to  queens, 
and  parliaments,  for  the  rooting  out  of  the  prelacy,  and 
with  it  of  such  other  evil  fruits  as  grow  from  that  bitter 
root ;  and,  on  the  contrary,  to  have  the  ministry,  govern- 
ment, and  discipline  of  Christ  set  over  the  parishes  as  they 
stand;    the  first  fruit   of  which   reformation,   if  it  were 

1  Backos's  Histoiy  of  New  England,  Boston,  1777.    Vol.  I.  p.  25. 


44                            NEW   ENGLAND   THEOCRACY.  1 

i 

obtained,  would  be  the  profanation  of  the  more  of  God's  \ 

ordinances  upon  such  as  to  whom  they  appertained  not;  j 

and  so  to  the  further  provocation  of  his  majesty  unto  anger  ; 

against  all  such  as  so  practised,  or  consented  thereunto.     Is  \ 

it  not   strange  that  men,  in  the  reforming  of  a  church,  j 

should  almost,  or  altogether,  forget  the  church,  which  is  the  j 

people,  or  should  labor  to  crown  Christ  a  king  over  a  peo-  ' 

j)le  whose  jirophet  he  hath  not  first  been  ?     Or  to  set  him  J 

to  rule,  by  his  laws  and  officers,  over  the  professed  subjects  1 

of  antichrist  and  the  devil  ?    Is  it  possible  that  they  should  \ 

ever  submit  to  the  discipline  of  Christ,  which  have  not  been  I 

first  prepared,  in  some  measure,  by  his  holy  doctrine,  and  : 

taught  with  meekness  to  stoop  under  his  yoke  ?  "  \ 

The  folio w^ing  passage  discusses  one  peculiarity  in  the  I 

working  of  the  English  Reformation,  and  points  out  the  i 

connection   of  the  kingdom   of  Christ  with   the   priest-  j 

hoodii  \ 

"  What  sway  authority  hath  in  the  Church  of  England,  j 

appeareth  in  the  laws  of  the  land,  which  make  the  gov-  j 

ernment   of  the    church  alterable    at   the   magistrate's  j 

2)leasure ;  and  so  the  clergy,  in  their  submission  to  King  j 

Henry  VIII.,  do  derive,  as  they  pretend,  their  ecclesiastical  I 

authority  from  him,  and  so  execute  it.     Indeed  many  of  | 

the  late  bishops  and  their  j)roctors,  seeing  how  monstrous  l 

the  ministration   is   of  divine  things  by  an  human  au-  ; 

thority  and  calling,  and  growing  bold  upon  the  present  ; 

disposition  of  the  magistrate,  have  disclaimed  that  former  j 

title,  and  do  professedly  hold  their  ecclesiastical  j^ower  de  ; 

Jure  divino^  and  so,  consequently,  by  God's  law  unalter-  j 

able.      Of   whom   I   would    demand   this   one    question:  j 

'  "What  if  the  king  should  discharge  and  Qx^tel  the  j^resent  j 

ecclesiastical  government,  and  j^lant  instead  of  it  the  pres-  | 

1  Backus,  I.  p.  29.  * 


NEW   ENGLAND   THEOCRACY.  45 

]»ytcry  or  eldership,  would  they  submit  unto  the  gov- 
( inment  of  the  ciders,  j-ea,  or  no?'  If  yea,  then  were 
they  traitors  to  the  Lord  Jesus,  submitting  to  a  govern- 
ment overthrowing  liis  government,  as  doth  the  Presby- 
terian government  that  which  is  Episcopal.  If  no,  then 
how  could  they  free  themselves  from  such  imputations  of 
disloyalty  to  princes,  and  disturbance  of  states,  as  where- 
with they  load  us  and  others  opposing  them.  But  to  the 
question  itself:  as  the  kingdom  of  Christ  is  not  of  this 
Avorld  but  spiritual,  and  he  a  spiritual  king  (John  18:  36), 
so  must  the  government  of  this  spiritual  kingdom  under 
this  spiritual  king  needs  be  spiritual,  and  all  the  laws  of 
it.  And  as  Christ  Jesus  hath,  by  the  merits  of  his  priest- 
hood, redeemed  as  well  the  body  as  the  soul  (1  Cor., 
G :  20),  so  is  he  also  by  the  sceptre  of  his  kingdom  to  rule 
and  reign  over  both.  Unto  which,  christian  magistrates, 
as  well  as  meaner  persons,  ought  to  submit  themselves, 
and  the  more  christian  they  are,  the  more  meekly  to  take 
the  yoke  of  Christ  upon  them ;  and  the  greater  authority 
they  have,  the  more  effectually  to  advance  his  sceptre  over 
themselves  and  their  people,  by  all  good  means.  Neither 
can  there  be  any  reason  given  why  the  merits  of  saints 
may  not  as  well  be  mingled  with  the  merits  of  Christ,  for 
the  saving  of  the  church,  as  the  laws  of  men  with  his  laws, 
for  the  ruling  and  guiding  of  it.  He  is  as  absolute  and 
entire  a  king  as  he  is  a  priest,  and  his  people  must  be  as 
careful  to  prescribe  the  dignity  of  the  one,  as  to  enjoy  the 
benefits  of  the  other."  , 

To  these  extracts  we  add  some  remarks  of  Robinson  on 
the  power  of  the  keys,  which  exhibit  also  Lis  style  of 
inteqireting  Scripture : 

"  It  is  granted  by  all  sides  that  Christ  gave  unto  Peter 
the  keys  of  the  kingdom,  that  is,  the  power  to  remit  and 


46  NEW   ENGLAND   THEOCRACY. 

retain  sins  declaratively,  as  they  speak;  as  also,  that  in 
what  respect  this  j)ower  was  given  to  Peter,  in  the  same 
respect  it  was  and  is  given  to  such  as  succeed  Peter.  But 
the  question  is,  in  what  respect  or  consideration  this  power 
spoken  of  was  delegated  to  him  ?  The  papist  affirms  it 
was  given  to  Peter  as  the  prince  of  the  apostles,  and  so  to 
the  bishops  of  Rome,  as  Peter's  successors,  and  thus  they 
stablish  the  pope's  primacy.  The  j)relates  say  nay,  but 
unto  Peter,  an  apostle,  that  is,  a  chief  officer  of  the  church, 
and  so  to  us,  as  chief  officers  succeeding  him.  Others  af- 
firm it  to  belong  to  Peter  here  as  a  minister  of  the  word 
and  sacraments,  and  the  like,  and  so,  consequently,  to  all 
ministers  of  the  gospel  equally,  which  succeed  Peter  in 
those  and  the  like  administrations.  But  we,  for  our  parts, 
do  believe  and  profess  that  this  promise  is  not  made  to 
Peter  in  any  of  these  respects,  nor  to  any  office,  order, 
estate,  dignity  or  degree  in  the  church  or  world,  but  to  the 
confession  of  faith  which  Peter  made  by  way  of  answer  to 
Christ's  question :  "  Thou  art  Christ,  the  Son  of  the  living 
God.'  To  this  Christ  replies :  '  Blessed  art  thou  ;  thou  art 
Peter,  and  upon  this  rock  will  I  build  my  church ;  I  will 
give  unto  thee  the  keys,'  etc.  So  that  the  building  of  the 
church  is  upon  the  rock  of  Peter's  confession,  that  is, 
Christ  w^hom  he  confessed.  This  faith  is  the  foundation 
of  the  church ;  this  faith  hath  the  keys  of  the  kingdom  of 
heaven;  what  this  faith  shall  bind  or  loose  on  earth  is 
bound  and  loosed  in  heaven.  Thus  the  Protestant  di- 
vines, when  they  deal  against  the  pope's  supremacy,  do 
generally  expound  this  Scripture.  Now  it  followeth,  that 
whatsoever  person  hath  received  the  same  precious  faith 
with  Peter,  as  all  the  faithful  have  (2  Pet.  1:1),  that  person 
hath  a  part  in  this  gift  of  Christ.  Whosoever  doth  con- 
fess, publish,  manifest,  or  make  known  Jesus  to  be  the 


NEW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY.  47 

(  hrist,  the  Son  of  the  living  God,  and  Saviour  of  the  world, 
tliat  person  opens  heaven's  gates,  looseth  sin,  and  partakes 
Avith  Peter  in  the  use  of  the  keys ;  and  hereupon  it  fol- 
loweth  necessarily,  that  one  iiuthful  man,  yea,  or  woman 
either,  may  as  truly  and  effectually  bind,  both  in  heaven 
and  earth,  as  all  the  ministers  in  the  world.  But  here,  I 
know,  the  lordly  clergy,  like  the  bulls  of  Bashan,  will  roar 
loud  upon  me,  as  speaking  things  intolerably  derogatory  to 
the  dignity  of  the  priesthood ;  and  it  may  be  some  others 
also,  either  through  ignorance  or  superstition,  will  take 
offence  at  this  speech,  as  confounding  all  things ;  but  there 
is  no  such  cause  of  exception.  For  howsoever  the  keys 
be  one  and  the  same  in  nature  and  efficacy,  in  what  faith- 
ful man  or  men's  hands  soever,  as  not  depending  either  on 
the  number  or  excellency  of  any  pei-sons,  but  upon  Christ 
alone ;  yet  it  is  ever  to  be  remembered  that  the  order  and 
manner  of  using  them  is  very  diff*erent.  The  keys,  in 
doctrine,  may  be  turned  as  well  upon  them  which  are 
without  the  church,  as  upon  them  which  are  within,  and 
their  sins  either  loosed  or  bound  (Matt.  28:  19);  but  in 
discipline  not  so,  but  only  upon  them  which  are  within 
(1  Cor.  12:13).  Again,  the  apostles  by  their  office  had 
these  keys  to  use  in  all  churches,  yea,  in  all  nations 
upon  earth;  ordinary  eldei-s  for  their  particular  flocks, 
(Acts  14:23,  and  20:28).  Lastly,  there  is  a  use  of  the 
keys  publicly  to  be  had,  and  a  use  privately ;  a  use  of  them 
by  one  person  severally,  and  a  use  of  them  by  the  whole 
church  jointly  and  together;  a  use  of  them  ministerially 
or  in  office,  and  a  use  of  them  out  of  office.  But  the 
])ower  of  the  gospel  is  still  one  and  the  same,  notwith- 
standing the  diverse  manner  of  using  it." 

Having  shown  by  these  statements  how  the  doctrine  of 
the  independence  of  each  church  was  understood,  supported 


48  NEW   ENGLAND    THEOCRACY. 

and  explained  by  Robinson,  we  will  now  add  his  defence 
of  the  opposition  to  unrestricted  communion.'  In  refer- 
ence to  this  point,  the  parable  of  the  tares  among  the 
Avheat  had  been  urged  upon  Robinson.  He  answers: 
«  Since  the  Lord  Jesus,  who  best  knew  his  own  meaning, 
calls  the  field  the  world  and  makes  the  harvest,  which  is 
the  end  of  the  field,  the  end  of  the  world  and  not  of  the 
church,  why  should  we  admit  of  any  other  interpretation  ? 
Neither  is  it  likely  that  Christ,  in  the  expounding  of  one 
parable,  would  speak  another,  as  he  should  have  done,  if  in 
calling  the  field  the  world  he  had  meant  the  church.  As 
God  there  in  the  beginning  made  man  good,  and  placed 
him  in  the  field  of  the  world,  there  to  grow ;  whereby  tlie 
envy  of  the  serpent  he  was  soon  corrupted,  so  ever 
since  hath  the  seed  of  the  serj^ent,  stirred  up  by  their  father 
the  devil,  snarled  at  the  heel  of  the  woman's  seed,  and 
like  noisome  tares  vexed  and  pestered  the  good  and  holy 
seed ;  which,  though  the  children  of  God  both  see  and  feel 
to  their  pain,  yet  must  they  not  therefore,  forgetting  what 
spirit  they  are  of,  presently  call  for  fire  from  heaven,  nor 
prevent  the  Lord's  hand,  but  w^ait  his  leisure,  either  for  the 
converting  of  these  tares  into  wheat,  which  in  many  is 
daily  seen  (and  then  how  gi-eat  pity  had  it  been  they  should 
so  untimely  have  been  plucked  up),  or  for  their  final  per- 
dition in  the  day  of  the  Lord,  when  the  church  shall  be  no 
more  offended  by  them.  And  that  the  Lord  Jesus  no  way 
speaks  of  the  toleration  of  profane  persons  in  the  church, 
doth  appear  by  these  reasons :  1.  Because  he  doth  not 
contradict  himself,  by  forbidding  the  use  of  the  keys  in 
one  place,  which  in  another  he  hath  turned  upon  impeni- 
tent offenders.  Matt.  18.  2.  In  the  excommunication  of 
sinners  apparently  obstinate,  with  due  circumsj^ection,  and 
in  the  spirit  of  wisdom,  meekness,  and  long-suffering,  with 


NEW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY.  '49 

such  Other  general  christian  virtues  as  with  which  all  our 
special  sacrifices  ouglit  to  be  seasoned,  wlint  clanger  can 
there  be  of  any  such  disorder,  as  the  phicking  up  of  the 
wheat  with  the  tares,  which  the  husbandman  feareth? 
3.  The  Lord  Jesus  speaks  of  the  utter  ruinating  and  de- 
struction of  tlie  tares  —  the  plucking  them  up  by  the  roots. 
But  excommunication  rightly  administered  is  not  for  the 
ruin  and  destruction  of  any,  but  for  the  salvation  of  the 
party  thereby  humbled,  1  Cor.  5 :  5.  The  Lord's  field  is 
sown  only  with  good  seed  —  his  church,  saints  beloved  of 
God,  all  and  every  one  of  them,  though  by  the  malice 
of  Satan  and  negligence  of  such  as  should  keep  this  field, 
vineyard,  and  house  of  God,  adulterated  seed  and  abomin- 
able persons  may  be  foisted  in,  yea,  and  suffered  also." 

In  the  year  1613,^  Robinson  was  drawn  by  the  solicita- 
tions of  Polydorus,  the  opponent  of  Episcopius,  into  active 
participation  in  the  Arminian  controversy;  for  he  was 
then  regarded  in  Holland  as  a  no  less  gifted  than  zealous 
defender  of  the  fundamental  truths  of  the  gospel.  It  is 
worthy  of  note,  that  the  Indifferentism  in  matters  of  faith, 
which  was  promoted  by  the  adherents  of  Arminius,  univer- 
sally repelled  the  Puritans,  who,  nevertheless,  claimed 
freedom  in  regard  to  discipline  and  rites;  while  on  the 
contrary,  it  soon  spread  very  generally  through  the  Episco- 
pal Church. 

Tlie  Independents^  continued  to  live  in  Leyden  without 
any  disturbance  on  the  part  of  the  Holland  government, 
as  without  any  dissensions  among  themselves.  Under  the 
care  of  their  teacher,  they  remained  free  from  those  divi- 
sions to  which  their  brethren  had  been  exposed  who  came 
previously  to  Holland.     But  after  some  years,  the  appre- 

1  Backus,  I.  37.    Mather's  Magnalia  Del  Americana  I,  II.  p.  1. 

2  Neal's  History  of  New  England. 

5 


50  NEW   ENGLAND   THEOCRACY. 

tension  awoke  among  them  of  becoming  gradually  ex- 
tinct. Their  older  members  were  dying  out;  the  acces- 
sions from  England,  which  were  ^at  first  numerous,^  soon 
ceased,  and  so  far  from  having  a  prospect  of  spreading 
their  views  among  a  people  who  did  not  understand  their 
language,  their  younger  members  frequently  married  into 
Holland  families.  So  vital,  and  so  deeply  stamped  into 
their  being,  was  the  feeling  of  their  church  relations,  that 
although  left  undisturbed  to  worship  God  according  to 
their  own  convictions,  that  extinction,  and  the  prospective 
disappearance  of  their  distinctive  church  characteristics, 
seemed  to  them  an  evil,  escape  from  which  demanded  the 
greatest  personal  sacrifices.  A  return  to  their  native  coun- 
try was  not  to  be  thought  of,  if  they  wished  still  to  main- 
tain the  free  exercise  of  their  religion.  They  now  di- 
rected their  eyes  towards  a  newly  discovered  land. 

1  Backus,  I.  p.  32. 


CHAPTER    II. 

THE  EMIGRATION  TO  AMERICA  — FORMATION  OF  THE  THEOCRATIC 
STATE  IN  NEW  ENGLAND  — A  GLANCE  AT  THE  rOLITICAL  HIS- 
TORY, THE  MISSIONARY  EFFORTS,  AND  FIRST  UNIVERSITY  OF 
NEW  ENGLAND. 

EARLY  ATTEMPTS  TO  COLONIZE  THE  NOHTH  AMERICAN  COKTINENT 
FROM  ENGLAND.  EMIG&ATIGN  OF  THE  LEYDEN  CHURCH.  NEW 
PLYMOUTH. 

The  first  discovery  of  the  continent  of  North  America, 
after  the  visits  of  the  Normans  several  hundred  years  pre- 
vious, was  made  by  Sebastian  Cabot,  during  the  reign  of 
Henry  VII.  of  England.  Yet  almost  a  century  had  passed 
away,  before  the  plan  was  formed  of  a  settlement  in  the 
country.  In  1584,  Sir  Walter  Raleigh  obtained  a  patent 
for  that  purpose ;  and  in  connection  with  certain  merchants 
and  other  men  of  wealth,  fitted  out  an  expedition,  which 
landed  in  what  is  now  the  State  of  North  Carolina,  In 
honor  of  Queen  Elizabeth,  the  new  territory,  including 
the  whole  eastern  coast  of  the  present  North  American 
republics,  was  named  Virginia.  That  first  attempt  had, 
however,  as  little  permanence  as  those  which  followed. 
Most  of  the  colonists  perished  either  in  expeditions  against 
the  Indians,  or  from  excessive  toils  and  privations;  the 
remainder  returned  to  England  in  ships  which  had  been 
sent  out  for  their  assistance.  In  the  year  1602,  Captain 
Gosnold,  by  a  direct  course  towards  the  more  northerly 
regions  of  North  America,  reached  what  is  now  called 


62  NE^,7   ENGLAND   THEOCRACY. 

Massachusetts  Bay.  He  entered  into  traffic  with  the 
natives,  and  on  his  return  to  England  gave  a  very  favor- 
able description  of  the  excellent  harbors,  the  capacity  of 
the  soil,  and  of  the  natural  facilities  both  for  commerce 
and  fisheries.  This  revived  the  desire  for  establishing:  set- 
tlements  in  the  country,  and  in  1606,  two  companies  re- 
ceived from  James  I.  a  patent  for  this  purpose.  They 
were  destined  for  South  and  N'orth  Virginia,  by  which 
latter  designation  was  understood  the  region  north  of  the 
present  State  of  Maryland.  Both  companies  fitted  out  ex- 
peditions ;  the  former  founded  Jamestown,  in  the  State  of 
Virginia;  the  latter,  in  1608,  efiected  a  settlement  on  the 
river  Sagadehoc  in  Maine,  which,  however,  shared  the  fate 
of  the  earlier  attempts,  and  was  soon  abandoned.  A 
farther  attempt  was  made  in  1614,  by  Captain  John 
Smith,^  who  gave  the  name  of  New  England  to  the  region 
around  Massachusetts  Bay,  and  brought  a  chart  of  the 
same  to  England.  Still  the  Company  for  North  Virginia, 
(called  also  Plymouth  Company,  on  account  of  its  mem- 
bers being  mostly  from  the  county  of  Devonshire),  did  not 
succeed  in  forming  a  permanent  settlement  till,  after  the 
lapse  of  several  years,  they  connected  themselves  with  the 
Independent  churches  in  Leyden. 

In  the  year  1617,  the  latter  concluded  decisively  on  emi- 
gration, and  sent  agents  to  the  Virginia  Company,  to 
negotiate  respecting  an  extensive  tract  in  the  northern 
part  of  the  new  continent.    The  proposition  was  favorably 

1  John  Smith,  one  of  the  boldest  adventurers  of  that  age,  had  been  of 
great  service  also  in  the  colonization  ^nd  permanent  settlement  of  South 
Virginia,  whei'e  he  was  for  a  time  governor.  A  description  of  his  eventful 
life  is  found  in  The  Library  of  American  Biography,  by  Jared  Sparks :  Bos- 
ton, 1834.  He  himself  wrote  a  history  of  the  colonies :  The  general  history 
of  Virginia  and  Ncav  England,  by  Capitaine  John  Smith,  sometimes  gov- 
ernour  in  those  countrys,  and  Amirall  of  Now  England.     XiOndon,  1627. 


NEW  ENGLAND   THEOCRACY.  68 

entertained,  the  more  so,  from  the  encouragement  they 
liad  for  believing  that  this  settlement  possessed  the  neces- 
sary elements  of  permanence.^  The  emigrants  were  siifH- 
ciently  numerous  ;  inured,  by  long  separation  from  their 
native  land,  to  privations;  industrious  and  temperate; 
tlieir  peculiar  Organization  tended  to  internal  unity  and 
firm  mutual  adherence ;  and  as  their  object  was  simply  the 
promotion  of  pure  religion,  so  they  doubted  not  of  the 
blessing  of  Almighty  God  upon  their  undertaking.  Appli- 
cation was  made  in  their  behalf  to  the  Privy  Council,  set- 
ting forth  the  advantages  to  be  derived  by  the  crown  of 
England  from  such  a  settlement,  in  regard  to  the  promo- 
tion of  commerce.  But  the  King's  hostility  to  the  Puritans 
gave  rise  to  serious  difficulties.  He  promised  not  to  molest 
them  there,  so  long  as  they  demeaned  themselves  peace- 
ably, but  refused  them  the  warrant  of  his  signature,  as 
tolerated  and  recognized.  They  hesitated,  without  some 
such  security,  to  emigrate  to  a  land  which  was  yet  to  be 
reduced  to  tillage.  The  negotiations  were  consequently 
broken  off;  but,  two  years  after,  the  wishes  of  the  church 
being  seconded  by  the  encouraging  assurances  of  the 
company,  they  were  again  resumed.  By  unremitted  efforts, 
a  patent  was  at  length  obtained  from  government,  under 
the  seal  of  the  Virginia  Company,  and  they  now  resolved 
to  put  their  plan  in  execution  without  delay.  As  all  of 
their  number  were  not  fully  prepared  for  the  emigration,  it 
was  concluded  that  a  part  should  go  first,  under  the  guid- 
ance of  their  Elder,  William  Brewster,  while  Robinson 
should,  for  a  while,  remain  behind  with  the  others ;  both 
divisions,  however,  still  constituting  one  church,  neither  of 
them  formally  dismissing  members  to  the  other,  nor  requir- 
ing of  them  new  evidence  before  admission.    They  pur- 

1  Backus,  I.  34. 
A* 


54  NEW   ENGLAND   THEOCRACY. 

chased,  in  England,  two  shii:)S,  in  the  larger  of  which,  the 
"Mayflower,"  of  one  hundred  and  eighty  tons,  the  emi- 
grants embarked  from  Holland.  All  being  now  in  readi- 
ness, Robinson  and  his  church  held,  on  the  2d  of  July, 
1620,  a  day  of  solemn  fasting  and  prayer,  for  supplicating 
the  divine  blessing  on  this  bold  adventure.  We  subjoin 
the  closing  part  of  Robinson's  address  to  them  on  this 
occasion,  as  showing  that  the  Independents  regarded  their 
organization  as  a  necessary  step  in  the  progress  of  the 
Reformation ;  while,  on  the  other  hand,  they  expressly 
disclaimed  the  separatistic  element,  properly  so  called, 
which  had  proceeded  from  BroAvn : 

"Brethren:  w^e  are  now  quickly  to  part  from  one 
another,  and  whether  I  may  ever  live  to  see  your  faces  on 
earth  any  more,  the  God  of  heaven  only  knows  ;  but, 
whether  the  Lord  has  appointed  that  or  no,  I  charge  you, 
before  God  and  his  blessed  angels,  that  you  follow  me  no 
farther  than  you  have  seen  me  follow  the  Lord  Jesus 
Christ.  If  God  reveal  anything  to  you,  by  any  other 
instrument  of  his,  be  as  ready  to  receive  it  as  ever  you 
were  to  receive  any  truth  by  my  ministry ;  for  I  am  verily 
persuaded  the  Lord  has  more  truth  yet  to  break  forth  out 
of  his  holy  word.  For  my  part,  I  cannot  suflaciently  be- 
wail the  condition  of  the  Reformed  churches,  who  are 
come  to  a  period  in  religion,  and  will  go,  at  present,  no 
farther  than  the  instruments  of  their  reformation.  The 
Lutherans  cannot  be  drawn  to  go  beyond  what  Luther 
saw ;  whatever  part  of  his  will  our  God  has  revealed  to 
Calvin,  they  will  rather  die  than  embrace  it ;  and  the  Cal- 
vinists,  you  see,  stick  fast  where  they  were  left  by  that 
great  man  of  God,  who  yet  saw  not  all  things.  This  is  a 
misery  much  to  be  lamented,  for  though  they  were  burn- 
ing and  shining  lights  in  their  times,  yet  they  penetrated 


NEW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY.  66 

not  into  the  whole  counsel  of  God ;  but,  were  they  now 
living,  would  be  as  willing  to  embrace  farther  light,  as 
that  which  they  first  received.  I  beseech  you  remember  — 
it  is  an  article  of  your  church  covenant  —  that  ye  be  ready 
to  receive  whatever  truth  shall  be  made  known  to  you 
from  the  -Nvritten  word  of  God.  Remember  that,  and 
every  other  article  of  your  sacred  covenant.  But  I  must 
here,  withal,  exhort  you  to  take  heed  what  you  receive  as 
truth,  —  examine  it,  consider  it,  and  compare  it  with  other 
scriptures  of  truth  before  you  receive  it ;  for  it  is  not  pos- 
sible the  christian  world  should  come  so  lately  out  of 
such  thick,  antichristian  darkness,  and  that  perfection  of 
knowledge  should  break  forth  at  once.  I  must  also  advise 
you  to  abandon,  avoid,  and  shake  off  the  name  of  Brown- 
ists ;  it  is  a  mere  nickname,  and  a  brand  for  making  re- 
ligion and  the  professors  of  it  odious  to  the  christian 
world.  Unto  this  end,  I  should  be  extremely  glad  if 
some  godly  minister  would  go  with  you,  or  come  to  you, 
before  you  can  have  any  company ;  for  there  will  be  no 
difference  between  the  unconformable  ministers  of  Eng- 
land and  you,  when  you  come  to  the  practice  of  evangeli- 
cal ordinances  out  of  the  kingdom.  And  I  would  wish 
you,  by  all  means,  to  close  with  the  godly  people  of  Eng- 
land; study  union  with  them  in  all  things  wherein  you 
can  have  it  without  sin,  rather  than  in  the  least  measure  to 
effect  a  division  or  separation  from  them.  Neither  would 
I  have  you  loth  to  take  another  pastor  besides  myself;  in- 
asmuch as  a  flock  that  hath  two  shepherds  is  not  thereby 
endangered,  but  secured." 

The  emigrants  left  Leyden  soon  after,  accompanied,  as 
far  as  Delfthaven,  by  Robinson  and  the  greater  part  of 
those  who  remained  behind.  On  taking  leave,  they  were 
commended  by  their  pastor  to  the  protection  of  Heaven, 


56  NEW   ENGLAND   THEOCRACY. 

and  amidst  heartfelt  demonstrations  of  mutual  attach- 
ment the  travellers  departed,  in  order  to  set  sail  from 
Southampton  in  the  county  of  Hampshire.  Here  they 
received  a  letter  from  Robinson,^  in  which  he  exhorted 
them  to  make  sure  their  own  j^eace  with  God,  to  avoid  all 
offences  among  themselves,  mutually  to  forbear  each  other, 
to  subordinate  their  private  interests  to  the  common  good, 
and  after  choosing  their  civil  governors  with  wi^om, 
to  submit  to  their  authority  as  an  ordinance  established  by 
God.  ' 

On  the  5th  of  August,  1620,  they  set  sail  in  their  two 
ships  from  Southampton.  Soon  after  their  departure,  the 
captain  of  the  smaller  Vessel  declared  it  unseaworthy. 
Although  it  was  repaired  in  Dartmouth  harbor,  yet,  after 
running  out  a  second  time,  he  repeated  his  apprehensions, 
and  both  ships  were  compelled  to  return  again  to  Plymouth. 
The  smaller  one  remained  behind,  and  with  it  some  of  the 
voyagers;  the  remainder  embarked  in  the  Mayflower, 
which  on  the  6th  of  September  again  put  out  to  sea,  with 
one  hundred  and  twenty  passengers.  After  a  very  difficult 
voyage,  they  arrived  on  the  9th  of  November  at  Cape 
Cod,  42°  north  latitude,  and  between  52°  and  53°  west 
longitude.  Their  destination  was  not  this  region,  but  the 
mouth  of  the  Hudson.  But  on  again  weighing  anchor, 
the  captain  ran  the  ship  among  dangerous  cliffs  and  break- 
ers, and  a  stonii  drove  them  back  to  the  Cape;  and  they 
now  resolved,  on  account  of  the  advanced  season,  to 
attempt  a  settlement  where  they  were.  It  has  been 
asserted  that  the  captain  was  bribed  by  the  Dutch,  who 
wished  themselves  to  take  possession  of  the  mouth  of 
the  Hudson.  They  did,  indeed,  found  there  the  colony 
of  New  Amsterdam   soon   after,  but    subsequently  were 

1  Backus,  I,,  p.  35,  ff.    Appendix  I. 


NEW  ENGLAND   THEOCRACY.  67 

obliged  to  relinquish  it  to  the  English.  Of  our  settlers, 
forty-one  men,  making  with  their  families  in  all  one  hun- 
dred and  one  pei-sons,  reached  America.  On  their  arrival, 
they  organized  themselves  by  the  following  act : 

"In  the  name  of  God,  Amen.  We  whose  names  are 
underwritten,  loyal  subjects  of  our  dread  sovereign  lord. 
King  James,  by  the  grace  of  God  of  Great  Britain,  Franco 
and  Ireland  King,  Defender  of  the  Faith,  etc.  Having 
undertaken,  for  the  glory  of  God  and  advancement  of  the 
christian  faith  and  honor  of  our  king  and  country,  a  voy- 
age to'  plant  the  first  colony  in  the  northern  parts  of  Vir- 
ginia, by  these  presents  do  solemnly  and  mutually,  in  the 
presence  of  God  and  of  one  another,  covenant  and  combine 
ourselves  into  a  civil  body  politic  for  our  better  ordering 
and  preservation  and  furtherance  of  the  ends  aforesaid, 
and  by  \irtue  hereof  to  enact,  constitute  and  frame  such 
just  and  equal  laws  and  ordinances,  acts,  constitutions  and 
offices,  from  time  to  time,  as  shall  be  thought  most  meet 
and  convenient  for  the  general  good  of  the  colony,  unto 
AN'hich  we  promise  all  due  subjection  and  obedience. 

Cape  Cod,  the  11th  November,  1G20." 

Their  next  object  was  to  select  a  landing-place  suitable 
for  a  settlement,  a  task  the  more  difficult  and  wearisome 
on  account  of  the  ice  with  which  the  sea  had  already  cov- 
ered the  shore.  From  their  place  of  anchorage,  they  sent 
out  several  little  expeditions  for  the  exploration  of  the 
coast ;  and  at  length,  after  five  weeks,  they  again  weighed 
anchor  on  the  15th  of  December,  to  run  into  the  hai-bor  of 
Cape  Cod.  On  the  20th  they  lefti  the  ship,  and  chose  a 
hill  which  commanded  the  surrounding  countiy  and  over- 
looked the  Bay,  as  their  i)lace  of  settlement.  Here,  on  the 
23d  of  December,  they  laid  the  foundations  of  a  town  to 
which  they  gave  the  name  of  New  Plymouth.    The  con- 


68  NEW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY. 

stancy  and  firmness  of  the  settlers  would,  however,  hardly 
have  saved  them  from  the  fate  of  their  predecessors,  had 
not  a  contagious  sickness  shortly  before  swept  away  nine- 
tenths  of  the  Indians  in  this  region.  A  few  months  after, 
a  treaty  of  peace  was  concluded  with  the  remainder,  which, 
with  unimportant  interruptions,  (as  for  instance  the  war 
carried  on  in  1637,  particularly  in  Connecticut,  against  the 
Pequots,)  secured  quiet  to  the  colony,  for  more  than  half  a 
century,  that  is,  down  to  the  great  Indian  war  with  King 
Philip,  in  the  year  1675.  These  friendly  relations  were 
maintained  by  strict  attention  to  justice  in  dealing  with 
the  Indians.  The  land  needed  for  the  settlement  was  pur- 
chased of  them;  a  court  of  justice  was  established  for  pro- 
tecting them  against  frauds  by  private  persons ;  and  in  all 
their  relations  with  them  the  English  were  subjected  to 
the  full  rigor  of  the  law.  It  was,  moreover,  regarded  as 
a  holy  duty  to  communicate  to  the  Indians  the  imjierisha- 
ble  blessings  of  Christianity ;  and  in  truth,  it  was  in  New 
England  that  the  first  successful  missionary  efforts  of  the 
evangelical  church  had  their  birth. 

On  the  other  side,  the  settlers  had  to  contend  with  diffi- 
culties and  calamities,  whose  severity,  especially  during 
the  first  winter,  threatened  the  very  existence  of  the  col- 
ony. The  hardships  incident  to  their  voyage  and  settle- 
ment, the  want  of  houses  to  protect  them  against  the 
inclemency  of  the  season,  as  well  as  of  many  necessities 
of  life,  and  in  addition,  the  unusual  severity  of  the  winter, 
had  given  rise  to  diseases  which  carried  off,  within  the  first 
four  or  five  months,  one  half  of  their  number.  For  several 
years  they  were  obliged  to  depend  for  their  subsistence 
chiefly  upon  hunting  and  fishing.  Often,  through  the  fail- 
ure of  their  crops,  they  had  scarcely  corn  enough  for  seed, 
and  the  suj^plies  from  England  relieved  only  their  most 


NEW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY.  69 

pressing  necessities.  But  there  was  another  want  which 
thoy  felt  still  more  painfully.  The  greater  part  of  their 
brethren  who  had  remained  in  Leyden  now  slirunk  from 
following  them,  and  by  this  means,  Robinson  was  pre- 
Tented  from  coming  to  New  England.  He  died  on  the 
19th  of  February  1C25,  lamented  not  only  by  his  own  con- 
gregation, but  by  the  Hollanders  also,  who  testified  at  his 
funeral  their  appreciation  and  esteem  for  his  character. 
For  several  succeeding  years  they  were  obliged  to  depend 
for  their  instruction  and  guidance  on  their  Elder,  Mr. 
Brewster,  or  on  other  gifted  laymen.  Among  those  who 
subsequently  joined  them  from  England,  was  a  minister  by 
the  name  of  Ralph  Smith,  who  in  1629  was  chosen  to  be 
their  preacher.  As  their  circumstances  improved,  they 
dissolved  connecti<fn  with  the  Company  of  Merchant 
Adventurers,  after  refunding  the  money  advanced  by  it  for 
their  assistance.  Under  Charles  I  the  colony  obtained  a 
patent,  which  had  been  dra^vn  in  favor  of  Governor  "Wil- 
liam Bradford,  but  was  made  over  by  him  to  the  General 
Court  of  New  Plymouth. 

MASSACHUSETTS  BAT   COMPAKT  —  SETTLEMENT  OP  SALEM  AKD 
CHAKLESTOWX. 

Soon  after  the  founding  of  New  Plymouth,  several 
attempts  were  made  to  colonize  the  more  northerly  regions 
of  Massachusetts  Bay ;  but  these  undertakings,  which  orig- 
inated solely  in  worldly  aims,  remained  without  any  per- 
manent result.  This,  however,  did  not  discourage  similar 
enterprises.  "WTien  it  became  known  that  the  colony  of 
New  Plymouth  was  beginning  to  prosper,^the  wish,  stimu- 
lated by  the  continued  persecution  of  the  Puritans,  of  find- 
ing an  asylum  for  religious  freedom,  became  active  in  Eng- 
land,   At  this  same  time  a  Company  for  the  establishment 


60  NEW  ENGLAND   THEOCKACY. 

of  larger  settlements  was  formed,  which  soon  extended 
its  operations,  as  such  attempts  at  new  settlements  began 
to  prove  more  successful.  On  the  4th  of  March,  1629, 
this  association  was,  by  a  royal  charter,  incorporated  as 
a  political  body,  under  the  name  of  "  the  Governor  and 
Company  of  Massachusetts  Bay  in  New  England."  Its 
members  were  empowered  to  choose  yearly  their  gov- 
ernor, lieut.  governor,  and  eighteen  assistants  or  magis- 
trates,^ from  the  free  citizens  of  the  aforenamed  company. 
They  were  to  hold  quarterly  a  general  assembly,  or 
supreme  court ;  they  could  admit  freemen,  choose  officers, 
apportion  land,  and  as  it  seemed  to  them  desirable  for 
the  welfare  of  the  settlement,  could  make  laws,  these  being 
not  in  contravention  of  the  laws  of  England;  while  to 
all  who  might  settle  in  this  region,  the  right  was  guaran- 
teed of  worshipping  God  according  to  their  own  con- 
sciences. The  provisions  of  this  charter  formed  the  basis 
of  the  subsequent  constitution  of  the  colony.  Immedi- 
ately after  the  choice  of  a  governor,  agents  were  sent  over 
partly  to  aid  the  present  settlers,  partly  to  obtain  more 
exact  information.  Two  Nonconformist  ministers,  Hig- 
ginson^  and  Skelton  by  name,  were  then  persuaded  to 
accompany  the  expedition  of  six  ships  which  was  about 
being  sent  out.  With  them  went  also  the  above-men- 
tioned Ralph  Smith,  and  thirty-five  families  from  the  Ley- 
den  church,  which  had  been  dissolved  after  Robinson's 
death.  They  landed  on  the  24th  of  June,  1629,  and 
founded  the  towns  of  Salem  and  Newton,  afterwards 
called  Cambridge. 

• 

1  These  constituted  the  governor's  council. 

2  The  documents  respecting  these  transactions  are  contained  in  a  col- 
lection of  original  papei-s  relative  to  the  history  of  the  colony  of  Massachu- 
setts Bay.    Boston,  1769.    Here  also  is  Higginson's  diary  of  his  journey. 


NEW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY.  61 

With  these  new  comers  also,  religion  had  been  the  mov- 
ing cause  of  emigration.  They  immediately  applied,  there- 
fore, to  tlicir  Plymoutli  brotliren  for  information  respecting 
the  church  order  and  discipline  here  established,  which  had 
been  derived  from  Robinson ;  and  after  several  conferences 
on  the  subject,  resolved  to  form  a  church  after  the  same 
model.  Higginson  thereupon  drew  up  the  following 
covenant,  as  an  expression  of  the  sentiments  of  these  col- 
onists :  — 

*'  We  covenant  with  our  Lord  and  one  with  another ;  and 
we  do  bind  ourselves  in  the  presence  of  God,  to  walk 
together  in  all  his  ways,  according  as  he  is  pleased  to  reveal 
liimsclf  unto  us  in  his  blessed  word  of  truth  ;  and  do  explic- 
itly, in  the  name  and  fear  of  God,  profess  and  protest  to 
walk  as  followeth,  through  the  power  and  grace  of  our 
Lord  Jesus  Christ. 

"  We  avouch  the  Lord  to  be  our  God,  and  ourselves  to 
be  his  people,  in  the  truth  and  simplicity  of  our  spirits. 

"We  give  ourselves  to  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ  and  the 
word  of  his  grace  for  the  teaching,  ruling,  and  sanctifying 
us  in  matters  of  worship  and  conversation,  resolving  to 
cleave  unto  him  alone  for  life  and  glory,  and  to  reject  all 
contrary  ways,  canons  and  constitutions  of  men  in  his  wor- 
ship. 

"  We  promise  to  walk  with  our  brethren  with  all  watch- 
fulness and  tenderness,  avoiding  jealousies  and  suspicions, 
backbitings,  censurings,  provokings,  secret  risings  of  spirit 
against  them;  but  in  all  offences  to  follow  the  rule  of  our 
Lord  Jesus,  and  to  bear  and  forbear,  give  and  forgive,  as 
he  hath  taught  us. 

"  In  public  or  private,  we  will  willingly  do  nothing  to  the 
offence  of  the  church ;  but  will  be  willing  to  take  advice  for 
ourselves  and  ours,  as  occasion  shall  be  presented. 

6 


62  NEW  ENGLAND   THEOCRACY. 

"We  will  not  in  the  congregation  be  forward  either  to 
show  our  own  gifts  in  speaking  or  scrupling,  or  there  dis- 
cover the  weakness  or  failings  of  our  brethren ;  but  attend 
an  orderly  call  thereunto,  knowing  how  much  the  Lord 
may  be  dishonored,  and  his  gospel  and  the  profession  of  it 
slighted  by  our  distempers  and  w^eaknesses  in  public. 

"We  bind  ourselves  to  study  the  advancement  of  the 
gospel  in  all  truth  and  peace ;  both  in  regard  of  those  that 
are  within  or  without ;  no  way  slighting  our  sister-churches, 
but  using  their  counsel,  as  need  shall  be;  not  laying  a 
stumbling-block  before  any,  no,  not  the  Indians,  whose  good 
we  desire  to  promote ;  and  so  to  converse,  as  we  may  avoid 
the  very  appearance  of  evil. 

"  We  do  hereby  promise  to  carry  ourselves  in  all  lawful 
obedience  to  those  that  are  over  us,  ih  church  or  common- 
wealth, knowing  how  well-pleasing  it  will  be  to  the  Lord 
that  they  should  have  encouragement  in  their  places  by  our 
not  grieving  their  spirits  through  our  irregularities. 

"We  resolve  to  approve  ourselves  to  the  Lord  in  our 
particular  callings,  shunning  idleness  as  the  bane  of  any 
state;  nor  will  we  deal  hardly  or  oppressively  with  any 
wherein  we  are  the  Lord's  stewards. 

"Promising,  also,  unto  our  best  ability  to  teach  our 
children  and  servants  the  knowledge  of  God,  and  of  his 
will,  that  they  may  serve  him  also ;  and  all  this  not  by  any 
strength  of  our  own,  but  by  the  Lord  Christ ;  whose  blood 
we  desire  may  sprinkle  this  our  covenant  made  in  his 
name." 

In  presence  of  the  delegates  from  the  church  of  New 
Plymouth,  the  persons  assembled  thereupon  declared  sol- 
emnly and  each  one  for  himself,  their  agreement  with  this 
Confession  of  Faith.  They  then  proceeded  to  choose  Hig- 
ginson  and  Skelton  as  their  pastors,  and  ordained  them  to 


NEW  ENGLAND   THEOCRACY.  68 

the  office  through  the  laying  on  of  liands  by  certain  breth- 
ren appointed  by  the  church  for  that  purpose.  The  church 
being  thus  constituted,  a  number  more  were  accepted  as 
members ;  some,  on  a  declaration  of  their  agreement  with 
the  covenant ;  others,  on  a  written  statement  of  their  faith 
and  hope ;  and  others,  again,  on  an  oral  relation  before  the 
church  in  regard  to  their  spiritual  state ;  but  no  one  was 
admitted  without  satisflictory  evidence  of  a  blameless  life 
and  conversation.  A  sufficient  warrant  in  regard  to  faith 
and  life  was  the  only  condition  of  fellowship ;  in  what  form, 
was  left  to  the  discretion  of  the  elders.  They  furthermore 
agreed  with  the  Plymouth  church  in  regarding  the  children 
of  believers  as  church-members  with  their  parents,  and  bap- 
tism as  a  seal  of  this  membership.  Only  it  was  required 
that,  before  admission  to  the  Lord's  Supper,  each  one 
should  be  examined  by  the  church-officers ;  if  found  to  bo 
sufficiently  instructed  in  the  essential  doctrines  of  religion, 
free  from  open  scandal,  and  willing  to  confess  publicly  to 
the  covenant,  he  was  then  admitted. 

It  is  obvious  that  the  regulations  here  adopted  were  lia- 
ble to  fluctuation ;  for  in  matters  of  conscience,  everything 
cannot  be  foreseen  and  a  complete  system  formed  at  once. 
It  appears,  too,  by  comparing  the  words  of  Higginson  when 
leaving  England  with  the  course  pursued  by  his  church 
towards  members  of  the  Episcopal  communion,  that  such 
opposition  resulted  from  no  settled  plan,  but  was  more  or 
less  forced  upon  them.  Mather^  relates  that  Higginson,  on 
setting  sail  from  the  Isle  of  Wight,  looked  back  on  his 
native  land  and  exclaimed :  "  "We  will  not  say  as  the  Sepa- 
ratists were  wont  to  say  at  their  leaving  of  England,  Fare- 
well Babylon  !  farewell  Rome !  but  we  will  say,  Farewell, 

1  Magnolia,  Book  III.  p.  74.  In  the  diary  and  letters  of  Higginson  (col- 
lection of  original  papers,)  nothing  is  found  in  relation  to  this  point. 


64  NEW   ENGLAND    THEOCRACY. 

dear  England !  farewell,  the  church  of  God  in  England,  and 
all  the  christian  friends  there!  We  do  not  go  to  New 
England  as  separatists  from  the  Church  of  England;  though 
we  cannot  but  separate  from  the  corruptions  in  it ;  but  we 
go  to  practise  the  positive  part  of  church  reformation,  and 
propagate  the  gospel  in  America."  But  they  wished,  nev- 
ertheless, to  be  free  from  that  which  had  so  agitated  the 
Church  of  England,  and  hindered  the  full  development  of 
the  Reformation.  Soon  after  the  formation  of  the  church 
in  Salem,  some  among  the  settlers  opposed  the  establish- 
ment of  public  worship,  because  the  Liturgy  of  the  Church 
of  England  had  been  discarded.  They  charged  the  minis- 
ters with  favoring  separatism,  out  of  which  would  soon 
grow  anabaptism ;  and  they  declared  that  they  would,  for 
their  part,  adhere  to  the  order  of  the  English  Church.  But 
the  ministers  replied  that  "they  were  neither  Separatists 
nor  'Anabaptists;  that  they  did  not  separate  from  the 
Church  of  England,  nor  from  the  ordinances  of  God  there, 
but  only  from  the  corruptions  and  disorders  of  that  church ; 
that  they  came  away  from  the  common  prayer  and  cere- 
monies, and  had  suffered  much  for  their  non-conformity  in 
their  native  land ;  and  therefore,  being  in  a  place  where 
they  might  have  their  liberty,  they  neither  could  nor  would 
use  them ;  inasmuch  as  they  judged  the  imposition  of  these 
things  to  be  a  sinful  violation  of  the  worship  of  God."  The 
leaders  of  the  opposite  party,  two  brothers  by  the  name  of 
Brown,  attempted  to  set  up  a  church  of  their  own ;  but,  by 
authority  of  the  magistrates,  in  which  the  clergy  unreserv- 
edly concurred,  they  were  immediately  sent  back  to  Eng- 
land. Perhaps  some  civil  offence  was  connected  with  this 
disagreement;^  perhaps,  also,  men  who  had  fled  from  per- 

1  Neal,  in  his  History  of  New  England,  I.  p.  145,  charges  them  with 


NEW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY.  65 

sccution,  miglit  find  cause  of  apprehension  in  the  establish- 
ment of  a  church  which  attached  so  high  a  value  to  tlie 
very  things  on  account  of  which  they  had  been  persecuted 
and  exiled.  The  government  regarded  the  measure  as  one 
of  self-defence. 

OOTEKKMEMT  OF  THB  COLOXT  TRANSFERRED  TO  KBW  ENOLAMD  — 
FOUNDINO  OF  BOSTOK. 

The  Massachusetts  Bay  Company,  which  had  been  char- 
tered by  royal  authority,  on  being  informed  of  the  pros- 
perous condition  of  the  settlements  made  in  1G29,  wished 
to  adopt  some  special  measures  for  their  advancement.  It 
was  resolved  to  transfer  the  government  of  the  colony  to 
Xew  England  itself;  and  accordingly  John  Winthrop,  who 
with  many  other  distinguished  and  wealthy  men  was 
desirous  of  settling  in  New  England,  was  chosen  Gov- 
ernor. Harmonizing  with  the  colonists  in  religious  views, 
he  had  also  had  opportunity  for  showing,  under  very  diffi- 
cult circumstances,  his  capacity  for  this  office,  to  which, 
with  brief  interruptions,  he  was  reelected  for  twenty  suc- 
cessive years.  A  few  days  after  the  departure  of  the 
expedition  (consisting  of  ten  ships)  a  little  writing  was 
published,^  entitled  "The  humble  request  of  liis  Majesty's 
loyal  subjects,  the  Governor  and  Company  lately  gone  for 
New  England,  to  the  rest  of  their  brethren  in  and  of  the 
Church  of  England ;  for  the  obtaining  of  their  prayers, 
and  the  removal  of  suspicions  and  misconstructions  of 
their  intentions."  "We  desire,"  —  such  is  its  language  — 
"  you  would  be  pleased  to  take  notice  of  the  principals 
and  body  of  our  company,  as  those  who  esteem  it  our 

"endeavoring  to  raise  a  mutiny;"  but  this  assertion  is  not  sustained  by 
evidence,  and  Mather  says  nothing  of  tlic  kind. 

1  Hutchinson's  Histpry  of  Massachusetts,  Vol.  I.,  Appendix. 

6* 


66  NEW   ENGLAND   THEOCRACY. 

honor  to  call  the  Church  of  England,  from  whence  we 
arise,  our  dear  mother,  and  cannot  part  from  our  native 
country  where  she  specially  resideth,  without  much  sad- 
ness of  heart,  and  many  tears  in  our  eyes ;  ever  acknowl- 
edging that  such  hope  and  part  as  we  have  obtained  in 
the  common  salvation,  we  have  received  it  in  her  bosom, 
and  sucked  it  fi-om  her  breasts.  We  leave  it  not,  there- 
fore, as  loathing  that  milk  wherewith  we  were  nourished 
there,  but,  blessing  God  for  the  parentage  and  education 
as  members  of  the  same  body,  shall  always  rejoice  in  her 
good,  and  unfeignedly  grieve  for  any  sorrow  that  shall 
ever  betide  her ;  and,  while  we  have  breath,  sincerely  de- 
sire and  endeavor  the  continuance  and  abundance  of  her 
welfare,  with  the  enlargement  of  her  bounds  in  the  king- 
dom of  Christ  Jesus.  You  are  not  ignorant  that  the  spirit 
of  God  stirred  up  the  apostle  Paul  to  make  a  continual 
mention  of  the  church  at  Philippi,  which  was  a  colony 
fi*om  Rome ;  let  the  same  spirit,  we  beseech  you,  put  you 
in  mind  that  are  the  Lord's  remembrancers,  to  pray  for  us 
without  ceasing,  who  are  the  weak  colony  from  your- 
selves. —  What  goodness  you  shall  extend  unto  us,  in  this 
or  any  other  christian  kindness,  we  your  brethren  in  Christ 
Jesus  shall  labor  to  repay,  in  what  duty  we  are  or  shall  be 
able  to  perform ;  promising  so  far  as  God  shall  enable  us, 
to  give  him  no  rest  on  your  behalfs;  wishing  our  heads 
and  hearts  may  be  fountains  of  tears  for  your  everlasting 
welfare,  when  we  shall  be  in  our  poor  cottages  in  the  wil- 
derness overshadowed  with  the  spiiit  of  suppUcation, 
through  the  manifold  necessities  and  tribulations  which 
may,  not  altogether  unexpectedly,  nor  we  hoj^e  unprofit- 
ably,  befall  us." 

The  exiles  who  in  this  manner  bade  farewell  to  their 
native  land,  landed  in  Salem,  July,  1630.     From  this  place 


NEW  ENGLAND  TUEOCRACY.  67 

iliey  settled  Charlestown  and  Dorchester,  and  towards  the 
end  of  the  same  year  founded  the  town  of  Boston,  which, 
as  the  seat  of  government,  and  through  its  superior  com- 
mercial position,  soon  rose  into  great  importance.  In  the 
years  following,  under  the  oppressive  administration  of 
Archbishop  Laud,  emigration  became  a  still  more  pressing 
necessity ;  so  that  settlements  were  speedily  formed,  not  only 
on  the  coast  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  but  farther  west,  as  at  the 
mouth  and  on  the  shores  of  the  Connecticut.  These  later 
colonies  did  not,  however,  rise  into  the  rank  of  Massachu- 
setts, which  at  the  very  outset  had  left  the  older  settle- 
ment of  New  Plymouth  far  behind.  But  in  tracing  the 
historical  development  which  the  church-system  of  the 
Independents  exhibited  in  New  England,  Massachusetts 
will  preeminently  demand  consideration,  not  alone  on 
account  of  her  extent  of  territory,  but  because  here  the 
principles  of  the  Independents  were  most  distinctly  ex- 
l^ounded,  and  most  powerfully  defended ;  and  it  was  from 
this  chief  theatre  of  outward  assault  and  inward  conflict, 
that  the  consequences  of  the  struggle  passed  over  to  the 
rest  of  New  England.  But  before  attempting  to  portray 
tliese  conflicts,  we  must  now  consider  what  appears  as 
characteristic  of  this  new  church-party  in  Ameiica ;  and 
we  must  also,  in  connection  with  a  retrospect  of  the  orig- 
inal character  of  the  Independents,  particularly  exhibit  the 
cliange  wrought  m  this  respect  by  the  emigration. 

THE   TWO   FDXDAMENTAL  PRINCIPLES   OF   CONOREOATIOXALI8M. 

In  separating  from  the  Episcopal  Church,  the  Church 
party  of  the  Independents,  as  we  have  seen,  not  merely 
took  ground  against  certain  specific  abuses,  but  assumed  a 
pecidiar  character,  through  the  two  following  positions, 
viz; 


68  NEW   ENGLAND   THEOCRACY. 

1.  The  several  churches  are  altogether  independent  of 
one  another. 

2.  Evidence  of  the  requisite  qualifications  is  required  by 
the  church,  before  admission  to  the  Lord's  Supper. 

These  principles,  first  announced  in  Holland,  and 
brought  thence  to  New  Plymouth,  found  almost  universal 
acceptance  among  such  of  the  New  England  settlers  as 
had  forsaken  their  native  land  on  account  of  religion. 
From  the  very  outset  their  institutions  were  regulated, 
and  the  conflicts  which  arose  were  conducted,  by  these 
fundamental  principles.  The  most  explicit  and  decided 
expression  of  them  is  found  in  the  platform  of  church  dis- 
cipline, proposed  in  a  synod  held  at  Cambridge,  in  Massa- 
chusetts, 1648,  which  was  generally  adopted.  This 
Confession  of  Faith  belongs,  indeed,  to  a  later  period,  and 
we  shall  have  occasion  to  recur  to  it  farther  on ;  ^  but,  as 
it  expresses  throughout,  as  we  shall  see,  the  principles  of 
the  early  colonists  unchanged,^  we  may  here  borrow  from 

1  See  Chapter  V. 

2  In  the  Collection  of  original  papers  is  found  a  document  called  An  Ab- 
stract of  the  Laws  of  New  England,  probably  from  the  year  1637.  This 
abstract  was  printed  in  London  in  1635,  and  is  mentioned  by  the  editor, 
William  Aspinwell,  as  a  work  of  Cotton,  who  will  claim  our  notice  farther 
on.  Those  of  the  enactments  which  relate  to  the  Church,  contain  the  germ 
of  the  Synodial-conclusions  of  1648.  Thus,  among  the  duties  of  the  gov- 
ernor is  reckoned  the  preservation  of  religion,  and  the  general  court  is  to 
support  him  in  maintaining  the  purity  and  the  unity  of  religion.  Civil 
rights  belong  alone  to  members  of  the  churches  which  have  been  regularly 
formed  with  the  concurrence  of  the  churches  already  established;  as  such 
members  those  are  designated  who  are  admitted  to  the  Lord's  Supper. 
We  here  subjoin  the  following  characteristic  laws:  According  to  Ch.^. 
§  4.  no  one  is  to  build  his  house  above  half  a  mile,  at  most  a  mile,  from 
the  place  where  the  church  assembles.  Ch.  8.  §  5.  declares  that  heresy  is 
the  stubborn  maintenance  of  a  destructive  error  which  subverts  the  foun- 
dations of  the  christian  i-eligion;  if  connected  with  attempts  to  seduce 
others,  it  shall  be  punished  with  death,  such  a  heretic  being  no  less  than 


NEW   ENGLAND   THEOCRACY.  69 

it  the  official  declarations  of  the  same.  In  the  second 
chaj)ter,  after  making  the  distinction  between  the  cliurch 
militant  and  the  cliurch  triumphant,  as  "well  as  between 
the  visible  and  the  invisible  church,  it  thus  proceeds,  in 
reference  to  fellowship  in  the  church : 

"5.  The  state  of  the  members  of  the  militant  visible 
church,  walking  in  order,  was  either,  before  the  law  (Gen. 
18 :  19,  Ex.  19:6),  economical,  that  is,  in  families ;  or,  under 
the  law,  national:  or,  since  the  coming  of  Christ,  only 
congregational,^  —  therefore  neither  national,  provincial, 
nor  classical."^ 

"6.  A  congregational  church  is,  by  the  institution  of 
Christ,  a  part  of  the  militant  visible  church,  consisting  of 
a  company  of  saints  by  calling,  united  into  one  body  by  a 
lioly  covenant,  for  the  public  worship  of  God,  and  the 
mutual  edification  of  one  another  in  the  fellowship  of  the 
Lord  Jesus." 

By  the  term  "saints  by  calling"  is  to  be  understood, 
according  to  chapter  3,  ^  2 :  "1.  Such  as  have  not  only 
attained  the  knowledge  of  the  principles  of  religion,  and 
are  free  from  open  and  gross  scandals,  but  also  do,  together 
with  the  profession  of  their  faith  and  repentance^  walk  in 
hlameless  obedience  to  the  word,  2.  The  children  of  such, 
who  are  also  holy."    The  more  particular  determinations, 


an  idolater.  S  6.  Such  members  of  the  church  as  obstinately,  after  due 
admonition  and  conviction,  refuse  to  submit  to  the  will  of  the  well  grounded 
churches,  and  to  their  christian  reproof  and  discipline,  shall  bo  cut  off  by 
banishment,  or  be  punished  according  to  the  judgment  of  the  court. 

1  Here  occurs  in  parentheses  the  words :  "  the  term  Independent  we  ap- 
prove not."  This  change  of  names,  Brownists,  Independents,  C!ongrega- 
tionalists,  is  certainly  not  without  significance. 

2  The  last  term  has  reference  to  the  synodical,  classical,  and  congrega- 
tional assemblies  of  Presbyterianism.  The  classes  embrace  several  con- 
gregations and  are  subject  to  the  synods. 


70  NEAV   ENGLAND   THEOCRACY. 

in  respect  to  the  requisites  for  church  membership,  which 
are  contained  in  the  twelfth  chapter  of  this  platform,  and 
have  reference  to  a  certain  contrary  view,  previously  men- 
tioned, will  be  given  in  full  presently.  Respecting  the 
other  point,  the  limits  of  church  government,  we  here 
notice  the  principle,  laid  down  in  chapter  3,  §  4,  that  the 
bounds  of  a  church  shall  not  overgo  such  limits  as  that  all 
the  members  may  not  conveniently  meet  together  in  one 
place.  On  a  greater  increase  of  the  population  they  should, 
as  indeed  happened  continually,  form  two  churches.  So 
also,  through  the  choice  of  ministers,  elders,  and  deacons, 
was  maintained  the  direct  participation  of  the  whole  body 
in  church  government.  In  regard  to  this,  a  distinction  is 
made  between  the  power  exercised  by  the  officers  of  the 
church,  as  such,  and  that  belonging  to  all  the  members. 
Thus,  chapter  5,  ^  2,  it  is  said :  "  The  latter  is  in  the  breth- 
ren, formally  and  immediately  from  Christ ;  that  is,  so  as  it 
may  be  acted  and  exercised  immediately  by  themselves ; 
the  former  is  not  in  them  formally  or  immediately,  and 
therefore  cannot  be  acted  or  exercised  immediately  by 
them,  but  is  said  to  be  in  them,  in  that  they  design  the 
persons  unto  office,  who  only  are  to  act  or  to  exercise  this 
power."  Even  though  it  is  said,  chapter  10,  that  these  two 
powers  are  supplementary  to  each  other,  yet  has  the  church 
the  right  to  dismiss  her  officers  ;  not  only  because  she  has 
herself  chosen  them,  but  because  in  her  resides  the  power 
of  church  government.  This  constitution,  which  is,  in  the 
proper  sense  of  the  word,  democratic  (so,  indeed,  it  is  ex- 
pressly designated),  essentially  contributed  to  maintain,  in 
the  relations  of  the  churches  thus  existing  side  by  side,  the 
principles  of  independency.  It  is  true,  several  synods 
were  soon  called,  and  even  empowered  to  "debate  and 
determine  controversies  of  faith  and  cases  of  conscience," 


NEW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY.  71 

to  issue  admonitions  in  reference  to  single  churches,  and 
even  to  exclude  iGrom  fellowship  such  churches  as  departed 
from  the  right  way.  Still  it  is  declared,  in  chapter  16,  H, 
'that  the  synods  "  cannot  exercise  church  ce7isures,  in  way 
of  discipline^  nor  any  other  act  of  church  authority  or 
jurisdiction^ 

THE  CONGREOATIONALIBT  THEOCRACY. 

The  two  principles  here  mentioned,  which  are  still  held 
by  the  Congregationalists  of  the  present  day,  were  cher- 
ished as  of  vital  import  by  our  colonists,  to  whom  the 
affairs  of  religion,  the  exercise  of  their  own  form  of  wor- 
ship, and  the  enjoyment  of  the  divinely  instituted  means 
of  gi-ace,  appeared  the  goal  of  all  their  efforts.  They 
regarded  themselves,  moreover,  not  as  single  fugitives,  but 
as  a  body  politic  —  an  idea  brought  out  in  the  Instru- 
ment, subscribed  at  Cape  Cod  in  1 620,^  with  a  clearness 
which  excites  astonishment.  What  they  wished  was  a 
State,  which  they  could  enjoy  in  common  as  an  ordinance 
of  God.  But  the  State  was  to  unfold  within  the  church. 
As  they  regarded  the  government  as  God's  servant,  so 
likewise  aJTcitizens,  as  such,  were  to  serve  God.  Thus  "  it 
was  resolved  in  the  General  Court,  at  Boston,  May  18," 
1631,  that  "for  the  future  no  one  shall  be  admitted  to 
the  freedom  of  this  body  politic,  unless  he  be  a  member  of 
some  church  within  the  limits  of  the  same."  Thus  was 
here  developed  a  State  church.  One  evidence  of  this  is 
furnished  by  this  fact^  among  others,  that  the  clergy  were 
to  be  supported,  not  merely  by  the  contributions  of  actual 
church  members,  but  "all  who  are  instructed  in  the  Word 
must  contribute  for  those  by  whom  they  are  taught  in  all 
good  things."     [Platform,  chap.  1 1,  k  4.]     The  views  then 

1  See  p.  57. 


72  ■  NEW   ENGLAND   THEOCRACY. 

entertained  of  the  relation  between  the  civil  and  the  eccle- 
siastical government,  serve  to  explain  the  measures  pur- 
sued in  the  controversies,  as  well  as  in  the  development  of 
the  Congregationalist  church  in  general.  We  here  quote 
from  the  articles  of  the  platform,  thus  giving  the  views,  in 
their  very  words,  of  those  who  professed  them.  The  17th 
chapter  treats  of  "  the  power  of  the  civil  authority  in  church 
matters^'^  and  maintains : 

"  1.  That  it  is  lawful,  profitable,  and  necessary  for  Chris- 
tians to  gather  themselves  together  into  church  estate,  and 
therein  to  exercise  all  the  ordinances  of  Christ,  according 
unto  the  Word,  although  the  consent  of  the  magistrate  could 
not  be  had  thereunto  ;  because  the  apostles,  and  Christians 
in  their  time,  did  frequently  thus  practise  when  the  magis- 
trates being  all  of  them  Jewish  and  pagan,  and  most  per- 
secuting enemies,  would  give  no  countenance  or  consent 
to  such  matters. 

"  2.  Church-government  stands  in  no  opposition  to  civil 
government  of  commonwealths,  nor  any  way  intrencheth 
upon  the  authority  of  civil  magistrates  in  their  jurisdic- 
tions ;  nor  any  whit  weakeneth  their  hands  in  governing, 
but  rather  strengtheneth  them,  and  furtheretlT  the  people 
in  yielding  more  ready  and  conscionable  obedience  to 
them,  whatsoever  some  ill-affected  persons  to  the  ways  of 
Christ  have  suggested,  to  alienate  the  affections  of  kings 
and  princes  from  the  ordinances  of  Christ ;  as  if  the  king- 
dom of  Christ  in  his  church  could  not  rise  or  stand  with- 
out the  falling  and  weakening  of  their  government,  which 
is  also  of  Christ  (Isa.  40 :  23)  ;  whereas  the  contrary  is 
most  true,  that  they  may  both  stand  together  and  flourish, 
the  one  being  helpful  unto  the  other,  in  their  distinct  and 
due  discriminations. 

"  3.  The  power  and  authority  of  magistrates  is  not  for 


NEW   ENGLAND   THEOCRACY.  73 

tho  restraining  of  churches  (Rom.  13 :  4^  1  Tim.  2  :  2),  or 
any  other  good  works,  but  for  helping  in  and  furthering 
thereof;  and  therefore  the  consent  and  countenance  of 
magistrates,  wlien  it  may  be  had,  is  not  to  bo  slighted 
or  lightly  esteemed  ;  but,  on  the  contrary,  it  is  a  part  of 
that  honor  due  to  christian  magistrates,  to  desire  and  crave 
then*  consent  and  approbation  therein  ;  which  being  ob- 
tained, the  churches  may  then  proceed  in  their  way,  with 
much  more  encouragement  and  comfort. 

"4.  It  is  not  in  the  power  of  magistrates  to  compel 
their  subjects  to  become  church-members,  and  to  partake 
of  the  Lord's  supper  (Ezek.  44 :  7,  9) ;  for  the  priests  are 
reproved,  that  brought  unworthy  ones  into  the  sanctuary 
(1  Cor.  5  :  11)  ;  then  it  was  unlawful  for  the  priests,  so  is 
it  as  unlawful  to  be  done  by  civil  magistrates ;  those  whom 
the  church  is  to  cast  out  if  they  were  in,  the  magistrate 
ought  not  to  thrust  them  into  the  church,  nor  to  hold  them 
therein. 

"  5.  As  it  is  unlawful  for  church-officers  to  meddle  with 
the  sword  of  the  magistrate,  so  it  is  unlawful  for  the  ma- 
gistrate to  meddle  with  the  work  proper  to  church-officers. 
The  acts  of  Moses  and  David,  who  were  not  only  princes 
but  prophets,  were  extraordinary,  therefore  not  imitable. 
Against  such  usurpation  the  Lord  witnessed,  by  smiting 
Uzziah  with  leprosy  for  presuming  to  offer  incense. 

"  6.  It  is  the  duty  of  the  magistrate  to  take  care  of  mat- 
ters of  religion,  and  to  improve  his  civil  authority  for  the 
observing  of  the  duties  commanded  in  the  first,  as  well  as 
for  observing  of  the  duties  commanded  in  the  second 
table.^  They  are  called  gods  (Ps.  88 :  8.)  The  end  of 
the  magistrate's  office  is  not  only  the  quiet  and  peaceable 
life  of  the  subject  in  matters  of  righteousness  and  honesty, 

I  In  other  words,  datics  towards  God  as  well  as  towards  man. 

7 


74  NEW   ENGLAND   THEOCRACY. 

but  also  in  matters  of  godliness,  yea,  of  all  godliness  (1 
Tim.  2:2).  Moses,  Joshua,  David,  Solomon,  Asa,  Jehosa- 
phat,  Hezekiah,  Josiah,  are  much  commended  by  the  Holy 
Ghost,  for  the  putting  forth  their  authority  in  matters  of 
religion ;  on  the  contrary,  such  kings  as  have  been  failing 
this  way  are  frequently  taxed  and  reproved  of  the  Lord. 
And  not  only  the  kings  of  Judah,  but  also  Job  (chap.  29  : 
25),  Nehemiah  (chap.  13.),  the  king  of  Nineveh  (Jonah 
3  :  7),  Darius,  Artaxerxes  (Ezra  7),  Nebuchadnezzar  (Dap. 
3  :  29),  whom  none  looked  at  as  types  of  Christ  (though 
were  it  so,  there  were  no  place  for  any  just  objection)  are 
commended  in  the  books  of  God,  for  exercising  their 
authority  in  this  way. 

"7.  The  objects  of  the  power  of  the  magistrate  are  not 
things  merely  inward,  and  so  not  subject  to  his  cognizance 
and  view,  as  unbelief,  hardness  of  heart,  erroneous  ojjinions 
not  vented,  "but  only  such  things  as  are  acted  by  the  outer 
man  ;  neither  is  their  power  to  be  exercised  in  commanding 
such  acts  of  the  outward  man,  and  punishing  the  neglect 
thereof,  as  are  but  mere  inventions  and  devices  of  men, 
but  about  such  acts  as  are  commanded  and  forbidden  in 
the  Word ;  yea,  such  as  the  Word  doth  clearly  determine, 
though  not  always  clearly  to  the  judgment  of  the  magis- 
trate or  others,  yet  clearly  in  itself  In  these  he,  of  right, 
ought  to  put  forth  his  authority,  though  ofttimes  actually 
he  doth  it  not.^ 

"8.  Idolatry,  blasphemy,  heresy,  venting  corrupt  and 
pernicious  opinions  that  destroy  the  foundation,  open  con- 
tempt of  the  word  preached,  profanation  of  the  Lord's 
day,  disturbing  the  peaceable  administration  and  exercise 

1  This  prorision,  as  well  as  many  others  in  these  laws,  is  exceedingly  in- 
definite. The  application  to  single  cases  could  only  be  determined  by  the 
spirit  of  the  code,  which  is  indeed  sufficiently  manifest. 


NEW  ENGLAND   THEOCRACY.  75 

of  the  worship  and  holy  things  of  God,  are  to  be  restrained 
and  punished  by  civil  authority. 

"  9.  If  any  church,  one  or  more,  shall  grow  schismatical, 
rending  itself  from  the  communion  of  otlier  churches,  or 
shall  walk  incorrigibly  and  obstinately  in  any  corrupt  way 
of  their  own,  contrary  to  the  rule  of  the  Word ;  in  such 
case  the  magistrate  is  to  put  forth  his  coercive  power,  as 
the  matter  shall  require.  The  tribes  on  this  side  Jordan 
intended  to  make  war  against  the  other  tribes,  for  building 
the  altar  of  witness,  (Josh.  22),  whom  they  suspected  to 
have  turned  away  therein  from  following  of  the  Lord." 

From  these  declarations  it  is  manifest  that  the  govern- 
ment was  THEOCRATIC.  The  settlers,  whose  aim  it  was  to 
derive  all  their  institutions  from  the  word  of  God,  here 
also  universally  appealed  to  the  Jewish  code.^  It  is  from 
this  point  of  view  that  we  must  contemplate  those  per- 
emptory measures  for  the  expulsion  of  every  opposite 
tendency,  which  threatened  to  disturb  the  unity  of  the 
Church  and  the  State  governments,  or  but  to  cripple  the 
efficiency  of  the  latter.  But  here  vre  must  especially  call 
attention  to  that  peculiarity  of  this  theocratic  constitution, 
by  which  no  one  was  permitted  to  exercise  a  civil  office,  or 
even  to  enjoy  full  civil  rights,  unless  he  were  a  member  of  ^ 
some  regular  church,  established  and  ordered  in  accord- 
ance with  the  principles  of  the  Independents.  In  the  case 
of  State  Churches  elsewhere,  whether  of  past  or  present 

1  Collection  of  original  papers,  p.  161,  where  occurs  the  following  quo-  \ 
tation  from  a  manuscript  biography  of  John  Davenport  (p.  108,)  by  Cot- 
ton :  "  Tlie  Theocracy,  that  is,  God's  government,  is  to  be  established  as 
the  best  form  of  government.  Here  the  people,  who  chooses  its  civil 
rulers,  is  God's  people,  and,  equally  with  those  they  choose,  in  covenant 
with  him;  they  are  members  of  the  churches;  God's  laws  and  God's  ser- 
vants are  enquired  of  for  counsel." 


76  NEW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY. 

time,  membership  is  conferred  by  birth,  and  no  one,  while 
conforming  to  existing  usages,  and  to  the  preponderating 
influence  of  the  older  members,  is  excluded  except  for 
some  explicitly  avowed  contrariety  of  opinion.  But  in 
New  England,  one  could  not  thus  silently  pass  into  the 
membership  of  the  church.  He  was  only  admitted  on 
the  develoj)ment  in  the  individual  of  a  definite  conscious 
need  for  fellowship  with  the  church,  and  when,  after  being 
examined  by  the  minister  and  elders,  he  had  publicly  made 
confession  of  his  faith  before  the  church,  and  had  given 
evidence  of  his  religious  state  as  that  of  a  regenerate  man. 

Thus,  was  the  State  also,  as  well  as  the  Church,  to  be  a 

/ 

COMMUNITY  OF  BELIEVEES. 

It  is  the  object  of  the  following  chapters  to  depict,  first 
the  conflict  which  arose  with,  and  also  within,  this  the- 
ocratic constitution ;  secondly,  the  dissolution  of  the 
same ;  and  finally,  the  condition  which  resulted  from  its 
abrogation.  But  before  proceeding  to  this  development, 
we  will  preface  it  by  some  information  in  regard  to  the 
political  relations  of  the  Colonies  during  the  first  half  of 
the  period  now  under  consideration,  and  briefly  refer  to 
their  missionary  undertakings,  and  to  the  founding  of  the 
theological  Institution  at  Cambridge.  The  two  latter  do 
not  indeed  stand  in  the  same  immediate  connection  with 
the  historical  development  now  to  be  presented;  but  so 
far  deserve  special  attention,  as  contributing  to  the  more 
exact  characterization  of  the  Kew  England  Church. 

POLITICAL  DIVISION   AND   HISTORY   OF   NEW  ENGLAND. 

In  its  political  character  also,  the  government  was  purely 
democratic.  In  accordance  with  the  charter  before  men- 
tioned, the  whole  body  of  free  citizens  elected  the  Gov- 
ernor, the  members  of  the  Court  of  Assistants,  and  Gen- 


NEW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY.  77 

eral  Court,*  which  combined  in  itself  the  legislative 
and  highest  judicial  power.  What  might  have  appeared 
wholly  inadmissible  in  a  cortimercial  company  in  England, 
assumed  a  different  aspect,  when,  by  transplantation  to  the 
other  side  of  the  ocean,  and  by  the  growth  of  all  the  ele- 
ments of  a  state,  the  proper  rights  of  sovereignty  had 
attached  themselves  almost  unnoticed  to  the  delegated  pri- 
vileges. These  rights  had  from  the  first  been  exercised 
with  steady  firmness  by  the  government  in  Boston,  in  the 
full  conviction  of  proceeding  in  accordance  with  the  laws 
of  God,  and  in  harmony  with  the  letter  and  spirit  of  their 
charter.  When,  in  the  year  1630,  the  government  of  Ply- 
mouth put  the  question  in  Boston,'^  whether  it  possessed 
the  competency  to  execute  sentence  of  death  on  a  con- 
victed murderer,  the  answer  was,  that  undoubtedly  it  had 
that  right,  though  the  warrant  lay  solely  in  the  analogy  of 
procedure  by  the  Massachusetts  government.  Agreement 
with  the  laws  of  England  was,  it  is  true,  expressly  recog- 
nized as  the  rule  in  legislation ;  but  more  in  theory  than 
practice.  An  appeal  to  England  was  only  resorted  to 
exceptionally  and  by  necessity.  It  may  appear  singular 
that  this  should  not  have  been  opposed  at  the  very  first, 
by  the  mother  country.  But  before  the  consequences 
could  be  foreseen  by  Charles  I.,  his  power  to  carry  even 
the  most  unimportant  measure  was  entirely  gone.  The 
Republicans  in  England  favored  the  development  of  this 

1  More  distinctive  are  the  designations  afterwards  in  use :  Council  and 
General  Assembly.  According  to  the  laws  of  1637,  (see  p.  68,)  all  govern- 
mental power  is  vested  in  and  proceeds  from  the  Supreme  Court.  When 
subsequently,  in  accordance  with  the  charter  of  William  III.,  the  governors 
were  appointed  by  the  crown,  the  governor,  council,  and  general  as- 
sembly were  often  compared  to  the  king,  lords,  and  commons. 

«  BayUes,  I.  p.  203. 

7* 


78  NEW  ENGLAND   THEOCRACY. 

free  government,  and  thus  it  had  become  firmly  established 
when,  at  a  later  i:>eriod,  it  was  assailed  by  Charles  II. 

The  great  distinction  enjoyed  by  Massachusetts  is  strik- 
ingly illustrated  by  the  fact,  that  many  of  the  colonies 
which  by  degrees  came  into  existence  held,  for  a  longer  or 
shorter  period,  a  dependent  relation  to  her,  more  or  less 
clearly  defined.  Thus  New  Hampshlre,  where  single 
settlements  had  been  formed  soon  after  the  founding  of 
New  Plymouth,  and  where  in  1631  the  town  of  Ports- 
mouth was  settled,  subjected  itself  in  1640  to  the  jurisdic- 
tion of  the  General  Court  of  Massachusetts.  The  de- 
tached settlements  in  Maine  were  longer  held  back  from 
the  same  measure  by  private  individuals;  but  in  1651  this 
colony  also  became  attached  to  Massachusetts.  Remaining 
thinly  peopled  down  to  recent  times,  it  was  not  till  1820 
that  Maine  was  admitted  as  a  proper  state  into  the  con- 
federacy of  the  United  States.  Although  both  colonies 
were  for  a  time  again  withdrawn  from  Massachusetts  by 
royal  decree,  yet  she  understood  how  to  maintain  her 
authority  over  them,  so  long  as  she  retained  possession  of 
her  charter. 

From  the  settlements  first;  established,  persons  went 
farther  westward  to  the  river  Connecticut,  and  in  1636, 
planted  Hartford.  In  this  they  jDroceeded  on  a  sort  of 
warrant  from  the  General  Court  at  Boston ;  but  soon  find- 
ing that  they  were  beyond  the  jurisdiction  embraced  in 
the  charter  of  Massachusetts,  they  established  a  political 
organization  after  the  model  of  that  colony,  made  laws,  and 
chose  magistrates.  Not  long  after,  a  company  arrived 
from  England  with  a  patent  for  this  same  region ;  but  as 
it  did  not  answer  their  expectations,  they  sold  their  charter 
to  the  previous  settlers.  Still  more  destitute  of  legal 
authority  was  the  colony  of  New  Haven,  which  lay  farther 


NEW   ENGLAND   THEOCRACY.  79 

A\  ostward,  bordering  on  the  possessions  then  held  by  the 
Dutch.  Hither,  in  1C37,  had  come  a  party  of  emigrants 
with  their  minister,  John  Davenport,  under  the  guidance 
of  Theophihis  Eaton,  afterwards  their  Governor,  and  liad 
purchased  of  the  Indians  on  this  part  of  the  mainland,  as 
well  as  on  the  opposite  island  of  Long  Island.^  Here  they 
adopted  as  their  model  the  government  of  Massachusetts, 
adhering  to  it  still  more  strictly  than  the  founders  of  Con- 
necticut, who  had  at  once  ordained  that  civil  rights  should 
be  enjoyed  without  reference  to  church  membership. 

Surrounded  by  the  above-named  colonies,  lay  Provi- 
dence and  Rhode  Island,  whose  settlement  will  be 
treated  of  in  the  next  chapter.  Founded,  so  early  as 
1634  and  1637,  by  fugitives  and  exiles  from  Massachusetts, 
they  had  thus  long  sustained  themselves  in  direct  opposi- 
tion to  the  other  colonies,  who  refused  all  connection  with 
them.  They  were  denied  admission  to  a  proposed  confed- 
eracy, which  went  into  effect  in  1643,  when  the  four  colo- 
nies of  New  Plymouth,  Massachusetts,  Connecticut,  and 
New  Haven  combined  themselves  in  a  league,  offensive 
and  defensive,  as  the  United  States  op  New  England. 

In  this  compact  also,  having  for  its  object  mutual  pro- 
tection, as  w^ell  against  the  attacks  of  the  Indians  as 
against  their  northern  neighbore  the  French  and  their 
western  neighbors  the  Dutch,  Massachusetts  held  a  marked 
preponderance.  During  the  changes  in  the  government 
of  England  at  the  period  of  the  first  English  revolution, 
the  colonies  submitted  to  the  ruling  authority,  whatever  it 
might  be ;  and  strong  as  must  have  been  their  s}'mpathy 
with  the  Independent  party,  they  greeted  the  accession  of 
Charles  II.,  in  1661,  wdth  a  loyal  address  of  congratulation. 

1  A  part  of  the  island  was  colonized  from  New  Amsterdam ;  later  it 
belonged  wholly  to  New  York- 


80  NEW   ENGLAND    THEOCRACY. 


"'.^ 


Shortly  after,  charters  were  granted  by  the  king  to  Rhode 
Island,  Connecticut  and  New  Haven,  the  two  latter  of 
which  were  in  1664  united  into  one  colony.  The  same 
year  New  Amsterdam  was  captured  by  the  English  and 
named  New  York.  In  1668  Holland  relinquished  her  col- 
onies at  the  peace  of  Breda,  recaptured  them  indeed  in 
1674,  but  in  the  following  year  lost  possession  of  them  for- 
ever. But  while  the  western  frontier  of  New  England 
was  thus  secured,  within  its  borders  raged  a  bloody  war 
with  the  Indians,  favored  by  the  French  and  by  the  lead- 
ership of  the  enterj^rising  Philip,  king  of  the  Wampanoags. 
With  the  death  of  the  latter,  in  1676,  the  power  of  the 
Indians  within  the  territory  itself  was  broken,  and  hence- 
forth they  only  attempted  war  on  the  borders  in  connec- 
tion with  the  French. 

The  later  political  relations  of  New  England,  so  far  as 
they  serve  for  the  illustration  of  its  church-history,  will  be 
glanced  at  farther  on.^  About  the  year  1680,  a  year  of 
great  changes  in  many  respects.  New  England  consisted 
of  the  three  united  colonies  of  New  Plymouth,  Massachu- 
setts with  Maine  and  New  Hampshire,  and  Connecticut 
with  New  Haven.  The  settlements  of  Rhode  Island  and 
Providence  had  also  been  united  into  one,  since  the  year 
1643. 

MISSIONARlf   AND   EDUCATIONAL  EPFOKTS. 

"Within  every  Christian  communion,  so  soon  at  least  as 
its  interior  organization  has  acquired  a  certain  degree  of 
solidity,  and  a  fresh  vigorous  life,  a  tendency  is  develoj^ed 
to  spread  the  gospel  beyond  its  own  limits.  But  this  ten- 
dency takes  different  outward  forms,  not  only  according  to 
the  fields  offered  or  sought  for  its  operations,  but  also 

1  See  Chap.  Vin. 


NEW  ENGLAND   TUEOCRACY.  81 

according  to  the  character  and  relations  of  the  churches 
themselves.  The  truth  of  this  may  be  sliown  tlirough  the 
entire  history  of  tlie  christian  church.  The  cliristianiza- 
tion  of  classical  antiquity  owed  its  peculiar  fonn  no  less  to 
the  character  of  the  apostolic  age,  as  a  period  of  preemi- 
nent pei*sonalities,  than  did  the  conversion  of  the  Germanic 
world  to  the  inflexibly  rigid  organism  of  the  Romish 
church.  In  regard  to  the  missionary  activity  of  New 
England,  it  is  to  be  noted  as  a  peculiar  characteristic,  that 
it  manifested  itself  at  a  very  early  period;  only  a  few 
decades  after  the  first  formation  of  Independent  churches, 
only  a  few  years  after  the  establishment  of  the  larger 
churches  in  New  England.  In  regard  to  the  progress 
of  this  activity,  it  is  especially  worthy  of  note  that  the 
missionaries  had  to  do  with  a  foreign  race,  who  lived 
beside  and  among  Europeans,  yet  in  respect  to  civil- 
ization standing  most  decidedly  below  them.  The  names 
of  Eliot  and  of  the  Mayhew  family  have  become  generally 
known,  as  the  most  eminent  preachers  of  the  gospel  among 
the  Indians.  These  men,  besides  the  gifts  of  religious 
heroism  and  unconquerable  endurance,  possessed  also  the 
ability  to  make  what  they  taught  intelligible  and  accepta- 
ble, and  to  form  churches  out  of  those  whom  they  had 
gained  as  fiiends  of  the  word  of  God.  In  this  work,  which 
was  very  early  crowned  with  great  success,  they  were  bus-. 
tained  by  many  other  distinguished  men.  In  spite  of  the 
opposition  of  the  former  priests,  who  feared  to  lose  the 
gains  of  their  sorceries ;  in  spite  of  their  chiefs  who  feared 
to  lose  that  unlimited  j^ower  which  they  possessed  over 
their  property,  various  churches,  some  of  them  very  large 
in  numbers,  were  formed  from  the  converted,  or,  as  they 
were  called,  "praying  Indians."  It  was  not  long  before 
preachers  were  raised  up  from  among  the  Indians  them- 


82  NEW   ENGLAND   THEOCRACY. 

selves,  who  sought  to  make  known  the  gospel  to  their 
countrymen.  But  it  must  here  be  remarked,  that  these 
missions  were  not  merely  the  undertakings  of  individuals ; 
the  mother-country  did  not  fail  to  encourage  and  sustain 
them.  In  the  Massachusetts  Charter,  it  was  expressly 
made  the  duty  of  the  settlers  "to  win  and  incite  the 
natiA'es  of  that  country,  to  the  knowledge  and  obedience 
of  the  only  true  God  and  Saviour  of  mankind."  An  associ- 
ation was  formed  in  England,  confirmed  in  the  year  1647, 
imder  the  name  of  the  "  Society  for  the  spread  of  the  Gos- 
pel in  foreign  lands,"  which  contributed  money  for  pur- 
chasing articles  of  various  kinds,  necessary  to  the  support 
of  English  and  Indian  missionaries,  and  especially  for  pro- 
curing a  translation  of  the  Bible  into  the  Indian  tongue. 
The  Congregational  churches  of  New  England  made  a  sim- 
ilar expression  of  their  sympathy,  by  the  establishment  of 
an  Indian  College  for  the  education  of  native  preachers. 
The  later  results  did  not  indeed  correspond  to  this  noble 
beginning ;  for  not  only  was  the  education  of  native  mis- 
sionaries given  up  and  the  Indian  College  abolished,  but 
the  Indian  churches  themselves  fell  into  decay.  In  place 
of  the  original  confidence  reposed  in  the  English,  there 
sprung  up  gradually  an  enmity  towards  them,  to  which  the 
border  wars  with  the  French  and  Dutch  had  greatly  con- 
tributed. After  King  Philip's  war,  the  former  relation 
was  not  reestablished,  as  indeed,  from  that  time,  the  colo- 
nists no  longer  observed  so  strictly  in  their  dealings  with 
the  natives  those  earlier  principles  of  integrity,  of  which 
we  have  before  spoken.  The  government  was  unable, 
either  by  prohibitions  or  punishments,  to  hinder  the  sale 
of  brandy,  which  was  furnished  to  the  natives  not  only  by 
the  French,  but  at  a  later  period  by  the  people  of  New 
England  also ;  and  to  such  a  degree  did  the  Indians  aban- 


NEW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY.  88 

(ion  tliemselvcs  to  intoxication,  that  it  may  be  regarded  as 
one  of  the  chief  causes  of  their  gradual  decay  and  ruin.  In 
connection  witli  that  avei-sion  to  civilization,  natural  to 
tribes  which  have  grown  up  in  the  forest,  the  Indians  in 
general  have  been  stigmatized  as  an  idle  race,  —  as  Mather 
says,  "they  kept  the  command :  Thou  slialt  sanctify  the  sev- 
enth day ;  but  not  the  other :  Six  days  shalt  thou  labor." 
An  unconquerable  piide,  moreover,  forbade  their  engaging 
in  regular  occupation,  or  the  pui-suits  of  agriculture.  They 
were  unfitted  for  admittance  into  the  New  England  con- 
federacy on  terms  of  equality  with  the  other  members. 
Even  for  a  special  alliance,  which,  with  increasing  culture, 
might  have  developed  itself  into  something  farther,  they 
were  not  sufficiently  protected  against  hostile  interference ; 
not  sufficiently  isolated  from  the  peaceful  progress  of  Euro- 
pean civilization.  Yet,  in  contemplating  the  fate  of  this 
unhappy  people,  in  general,  as  well  as  the  inconsiderable 
results  of  missionary  effiart  among  them,  we  must  not  leave 
out  of  view  the  subsequent  decay  of  Christianity  among 
those  to  whose  care  they  were  committed.  It  is  a  striking 
fact  that  the  fifth  decade  of  the  eighteenth  century,  which 
was  distinguished  by  a  special  revival  of  the  religious  life 
in  New  England,  produced  also  in  Brainerd^  a  missionary 
who  labored  among  the  Indians  with  the  gifts,  the  active 
zeal,  and  to  a  certain  extent  with  the  success  of  those  ear- 
lier preachers  of  the  word. 

An  index  no  less  characteristic  of  the  Congregationalists 
than  their  missionary  activity,  but  in  another  direction, 
is  seen  in  the  early  establishment  of  a  scientific  institution. 
So  early  as  September  1630,  that  is,  immediately  after  the 
founding  of  Boston,  four  hundred  pounds  sterling  were 

1  The  diary  of  his  labors  and  experiences  is  contained  in  the  biography 
published  hy  Jonathan  Edwards,  which  we  shall  mention  further  on. 


84  NEW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY. 

appropriated  at  an  assembly  of  the  General  Court  for  the 
establishment  of  a  college.  But  as  this  sum  was  insuffi- 
cient for  the  purpose,  and  it  could  not  then  be  increased, 
the  execution  of  the  plan  was  delayed  some  years.  But  in 
1637,  John  Harvard,  a  minister  who  had  shortly  before 
arrived  from  England,  bequeathed  to  this  object  seven , 
hundred  and  eighty  pounds ;  a  committee  was  then  formed, 
and  contributions  being  added  both  by  the  colonial  gov- 
ernment and  by  private  individuals,  the  work  was  now  set 
forward  without  delay.  ^N'ewtown,  a  place  settled  in  1629, 
was  selected  as  the  location,  and  was  called  Cambridge,  in 
honor  of  the  English  University-town;  the  Seminary 
itself,  in  memory  of  the  above-mentioned  legacy  as  the 
main  constituent  of  the  first  fund,  received  the  name  of 
Harvard  College.  A  building  was  erected  expressly  for 
the  purpose,  where  the  pupils  lived  together  as  in  the 
English  universities.  Even  in  its  first  years,  this  institu- 
tion became  a  schola  illustris,  where  polite  learning  and 
philosophy  formed  the  substance  of  the  course  of  instruc- 
tion. The  first  charter  of  1642  mentions  a  president  and 
six  ministers  from  the  neighboring  towns  of  Cambridge, 
Watertown,  Boston,  Charlestown,  Roxbury  and  Dorches- 
ter, who  in  connection  w^ith  the  Boston  Government  were 
to  have  the  oversight  of  the  college.  Thus  the  college 
received  at  once  a  theological  character,  a  peculiarity 
which  became  yet  more  manifest  on  the  confirmation  and 
extension  of  the  oiiginal  charter  in  1650  and  1672,  after 
the  Indian  College  above-mentioned  was  incorporated  with 
it.  At  a  still  later  period  it  received  a  yet  farther  enlarge- 
ment in  its  general  design  and  character.  The  right  was 
granted  it  of  conferring  academic  degrees,  that  of  master 
being  reached  in  order  after  a  residence  of  seven  years. 
The  terms  of  admission  were,  ability  to  translate  Cicero 


NEW   KNGLAJJiD   TUEOCKACY.  85 

off-hand,  and  a  knowledge  of  the  elements  of  Greek  gram- 
mar. This  institution  had  been  for  many  years  the  only 
school  for  the  education  of  the  clergy  in  New  England, 
when  Yale  College,  in  New  Haven,'  was  founded  with  a 
similar  design,  at  the  beginning  of  the  eighteenth  century. 
In  all  the  vicissitudes  experienced  by  the  Congregational- 
ists,  Harvard  College  has  had  a  living  participation.  The 
unbelief  which,  in  the  eighteenth  century,  extended  itself 
over  New  England,  obtained  a  footing  here  also,  and 
increased  to  such  a  degree  that  gradually  all  the  teachers 
and  directors,  indicated  in  the  charter,  became  Unitarians. 
In  their  hands  this  university  remains  to  the  present  day ; 
while  other  colleges  and  seminaries  have  been  established 
by  the  Cfongregationalists  of  the  present  time. 

We  now  proceed  to  the  development  of  the  ecclesiasti- 
cal polity  of  New  England.  "We  shall  describe,  in  chapter 
third,  such  forms  of  opposition  as  separated  from  the  con- 
nection, and  in  chapter  fourth  such  as  were  repulsed  from 
it ;  chapter  fifth  will  treat  of  the  suppression  of  the  resist- 
ance to  the  theocratic  relation ;  chapter  sixth  of  the  disso- 
lution of  this  relation. 

1  See  Chap.  VIII.  As  early  as  1651  very  earnest  efforts  were  made  for 
the  establishment  of  such  an  institution  in  New  Haven,  especially  by  the 
minister  of  that  place,  John  Davenport.  But  the  resources  of  this  colony 
were  insufficient  for  the  purpose,  and  even  after  its  union  with  Connecti- 
cut it  could  do  no  more  than  to  establish  a  grammar  school. — Trumbull's 
History  of  Connecticut,  Vol.  I.  Ch.  13. 

8 


CHAPTEE    III. 

EXPULSION  OF  ROGER  WILLIAMS  AND  THE  ANTINOMIANS  — 
RHODE  ISLAND. 

THE  ESTABLISHED  THEOCRACY  FIRST  CONTESTED  BY  ROGER  WIL- 
LIAMS ;  HE  IS  BANISHED,  AND  FOUNDS  TROVIDENCE  ON  NABRAGAN- 
SET    BAY. 

The  controversies  of  the  dominant  church  with  Roger 
Williams  and  the  Antinomians  gave  occasion  to  the  settle- 
ments on  Narraganset  Bay,  which  subsequently  united 
themselves  to  the  colony  of  Rhode  Island.  The  latter  was 
based  on  principles,  in  regard  to  the  relation  of  church  and 
state,  wholly  different  from  those  just  exhibited ;  but  the 
hostility  and  exclusive  policy  of  the  other  colonies  towards 
Rhode  Island  had  an  earlier  source,  viz.,  the  circumstances 
in  which  this  settlement  originated.  This  will  appear  from 
the  following  explanation. 

Roger  Williams^  was  born  in  Wales  in  the  year  1599. 
He  devoted  himself  at  first  to  the  study  of  jurisprudence, 
but  soon  relinquished  it  for  that  of  theology.  He  became  a 
clergyman  in  the  Episcopal  church,  but  his  puritanic  prin- 
ciples constrained  him,  like  so  many  others,  to  forsake  his 
native  land.  On  the  5th  of  February  1631,  he  landed  in 
New  England,  and  for  a  while  resided  in  Boston.  A  few 
weeks  after  his  arrival,  the  church  of  Salem  invited  him  to 

1  Memoir  of  Roger  Williams,  by  James  D.  Knowles.  Boston:  1834. 
This  biography  is  enriched  with  many  documents. 


NEW   ENGLAND   THEOCRACY.  87 

become  the  assistant  of  their  minister  Mr.  Skelton,  Mr. 
lligGjinson,*  the  other  pastor  of  the  church,  having  died 
soon  after  its  formation.  As  soon  as  tliis  became  known, 
the  Boston  Court  was  called  together  by  Governor  Win- 
throp,  April  12th,  and  the  following  statement  was  made 
by  its  order  to  the  church :  "  That  whereas  Mr.  Williams 
had  refused  to  join  with  the  congregation  at  Boston, 
because  they  would  not  make  a  public  dciclaration  cf  their 
repentance  for  having  communion  with  the  churches  of 
England  while  they  lived  there ;  and,  beside,  had  declared 
his  opinion  that  the  magistrate  might  not  punish  a  breach 
of  the  Sabbath,  nor  any  other  offence,  as  it  was  a  breach 
of  the  first  table;  therefore  they  marvelled  they  would 
choose  him  without  advising  with  the  council ;  and,  withal, 
desiring  they  would  forbear  to  proceed  till  they  had  con- 
ferred about  it." 

The  first  of  these  charges  we  do  not  find  to  have  been 
again  brought  forward  in  the  subsequent  proceedings  with 
Williams.  As  we  have  before  had  occasion  to  observe  in 
the  measures  and  declarations  of  the  first  Massachusetts 
settlers,  the  views  of  the  colonists  in  relation  to  fellowship 
with  the  Church  of  England  were  vague  and  unsettled; 
nor  does  it  appear  how  far  this  expression  of  repentance 
Avhich  he  desired  was  to  extend.  While  at  Plymouth,  dur- 
ing the  following  years,  he  maintained  intercourse  and  fel- 
lowship with  members  of  the  Boston  church;  but  the 
demand  itself  is  in  keeping  with  that  decision  of  character 
which  is  generally  attributed  to  him,  and  which  seems  to 
have  been  connected  with  a  certain  vehemence  of  temper, 
at  least  in  his  early  years.  The  other  point  in  the  accusa- 
tion, that  relating  to  the  commands  of  the  first  table,  is  of 
more  importance ;  and  this  we  shall  have  another  opportu- 

1  See  p.  60. 


88  NEW   ENGLAND   THEOCllACY. 

nity  for  discussing,  as  it  comes  up  again  in  connection  with 
a  subsequent  action  against  Williams.  The  church  at  Sa- 
lem, though  informed  of  the  stej)  intended  by  the  General 
Court,  on  that  same  12th  of  April  chose  Williams  as  their 
pastor.  It  is  a  noticeable  fact  that  it  was  on  the  18th  of 
May  that  he  took  his  oath  as  citizen,  exactly  the  time  when 
the  law  was  passed  requiring  every  citizen  to  be  a  member 
of  some  regular  church.^  This  act  is  of  importance,  in 
view  of  the  principles  with  which  he  was  afterwards 
charged;  but  it  shows  also  that  the  Boston  government 
took  a  course  in  this  proceeding  which,  if  not  inconsistent, 
was  at  least  wanting  in  decision.  But  scarcely  had  Wil- 
liams been  a  few  months  in  Salem,  when  he  was  obliged  to 
leave  that  town  and  go  to  Plymouth.  Manifestly  this  step 
was  neither  voluntary  on  his  part,  nor  from  the  wish  of  the 
Salem  church,  as  appears  from  their  subsequent  recall  and 
continued  attachment  to  him.  The  Boston  government 
used  their  influence  to  carry  out,  in  practice,  the  principles 
laid  down  in  the  Cambridge  Platform,  (Chap,  17,  §  9) 
respecting  schismatical  churches.^  But  certainly  these 
principles  were  at  first  yet  more  indefinite,  in  respect  to  the 
interference  of  the  civil  power,  than  after  the  passage  of  the 
above  cited  law  ;  hence,  nothing  can  be  made  out  in  regard 
to  their  customary  application,  there  being  no  direct  infor- 
mation even  in  respect  to  the  present  case. 

Williams  was  well  received  in  Plymouth,  and  acted  as 
assistant  to  their  minister,  Mr.  Ralph  Smith.^  Governor 
Bradford"*  said  of  him ,  "  He  was  freely  entertained  among 
us,  acording  to  our  poor  ability,  exercised  his  gifts  among 
us,  and  after  some  time  was  admitted  a  member  of  the 
church,  and  his  teaching  well  approved ;  for  the  benefit 
whereof  I  shall  bless  God,  and  am  thankful  to  him  ever  for 

1  See  p.  71.  2  p.  75,  f.  3  p.  59.  4  p.  59. 


NEW   ENGLAND   THEOCRACY.                            89  - 

I 
hh  sharpest  admonitions  and  reproofs,  so  far  as  they  agreed  : 
with  truth. "  While  Williams  was  still  residing  at  Plym- 
outh, the  town  was  visited  by  Governor  Winthrop,^  Mr.  ; 
Wilson  the  Boston  minister,  and  other  distinguished  men. 
At  this  time  no  trace  appeared  of  hostility  or  coldness.  On  | 
a  certain  Sunday,  when  they  celebrated  the  Lord's  Supper  , 
together,  the  church  was  addressed  both  by  the  ministers 
above  mentioned,  and  by  the  Governors  of  Boston  and  i 
Plymouth.  Williams  remained  two  years  at  Plymouth,  but  ; 
the  first  favorable  disposition  towards  liim  did  not  continue  ;  i 
the  effect,  probably,  of  the  open  expression  of  his  views  in  ^ 
regard  to  the  relations  of  the  civil  magistracy.  Mr.  Brew-  < 
ster,  the  ruling  elder,  foreboded  the  farther  spreading  of  \ 
these  opinions,  and  expressed  his  fears  "  that  Williams  would  ; 
run  the  same  course  of  rigid  separation  and  anabaptistry  ] 
which  Mr.  John  Smith,  the  Se-baptist*  at  Amsterdam,  had  ; 
done."  A  large  part  of  the  church  now  abandoned  Wil-  i 
liams,  who,  in  August  1633,  willingly  accepted  a  call  from  ; 
the  Salem  church  to  assist  their  now  infirm  pastor,  Mr.  \ 
Skelton  ;  this  he  did  without  being  at  first  formally  inducted  j 
into  the  office.  Meanwhile,  the  Salem  church  continued  to  I 
stand,  to  a  certain  degree,  in  an  attitude  of  estrangement 
towards  the  other  churches.  When,  in  this  same  year,  a  j 
number  of  ministers  of  Massachusetts  Bay  agreed  to  meet  \ 
together  once  a  fortnight  for  conference  on  the  interests  of  j 
the  church,  Skelton  and  Williams  held  aloof  from  it,  out  of 
fear  that  it  might  grow  into  a  presbytery  or  ecclesiastical  \ 
tribunal.  Yet  the  others  declared  that  they  were  all,  decid-  ^ 
edly  and  unanimously,  of  the  opinion  that  no  church  or  per- 
son can  have  any  power  over  another  church ;  nor  did  they,  i 

1  Winthrop's  Journal.    This  diary  extends  to  the  year  1G44,  and  con-  j 
tains  very  interesting  particulars  in  regard  to  the  history  of  this  period.  i 

2  See  p.  36.  ! 

8"^  i 


l/U  KEW   ENGLAND   THEOCRACY. 

in  these  meetings,  attempt  the  slightest  exercise  of  such 
jurisdiction.  Shortly  after,  "Williams  was  cited  before  the 
General  Court  at  Boston,  on  account  of  a  treatise  addressed 
by  him  to  the  Governor  and  Council  of  Plymouth.  In  this 
he  had  maintained  that  the  royal  charter  was  invalid,  and 
consequently  also  the  colonists'  title  to  possession,  which 
could  be  based  alone  on  an  agreement  with  the  natives.  In 
the  first  patent,  reference  was  indeed  made  to  "  the  great 
sickness  by  which  the  country  was  depopulated,  and  thus 
deserted,  as  it  were,  of  its  natural  inhabitants ; "  but  the 
prevailing  view  was  also  therein  expressed,  that  the  colony 
had  passed  into  the  possession  of  the  King  of  England,  as 
that  christian  sovereign  whose  subjects  had  first  visited 
the  country.  But,  as  already  stated,  the  settlers  had  pro- 
ceeded wholly  in  accordance  with  the  principle  now  laid 
down  by  Williams.^  On  this  point,  therefore,  they  came 
to  an  understanding.  He  explained  his  irreverent  expres- 
sions in  regard  to  the  king  in  a  less  offensive  sense,  or 
retracted  them ;  he  stated,  moreover,  that  he  had  regarded 
the  treatise  as  merely  a  private  thing,  not  intended  for  pub- 
licity, and  even  expressed  his  willingness  to  burn  it.  Thus 
was  this  difficulty  settled. 

For  a  time  he  remained  wholly  undisturbed  in  his  labors, 
and  gained  for  himself  the  warmest  affection  of  his  hear- 
ers. On  the  death  of  Mr.  Skelton,  in  August,  1634,  the 
church  chose  him  for  their  pastor.  The  government  at 
Boston  requested  the  church  not  to  ordain  him  ;  but  it 
remained  unmoved,  and  Williams  was  installed  in  the 
usual  manner.  Soon  after  he  was  cited  before  the 
General  Court,  and  this  was  repeated  several  times.  In 
the  charge  instituted  against  him  on  the  8th  of  July,  1635, 
is  contained  a  summary  of  the  opinions  advanced  by  him, 

1  See  p.  58. 


NEW   ENGLAND  THEOCRACY.  91 

in  which  we  find  the  four  following  points :  1.  That  the 
magistrate  ought  not  to  punish  the  breach  of  the  first  table, 
otherwise  thanm  such  cases  as  did  disturb  the  civil  peace; 
2.  That  he  ought  not  to  tender  an  oath  to  an  un regenerate 
man  ;  3.  That  a  man  ought  not  to  pray  with  such,  though 
.1  member  of  his  own  family ;  4.  That  it  was  not  necessary 
to  give  thanks  after  the  sacrament,  nor  in  general  after 
meat. 

The  first  of  these  points  is  the  most  important,  as  it  is 
also  the  most  significant  of  the  views  and  principles  held 
on  both  sides.  Those  of  the  dominant  party  are  contained 
in  the  Cambridge  Platform^  and  it  cannc  t  be  questioned, 
that  to  impugn  this  right  of  the  magistracy  was  to  assail 
the  existing  theocratic  government.  Roger  Williams,  on 
the  other  hand,  as  appears  from  his  later  writings  as  well 
as  in  the  founding  of  his  new  settlement,  regarded  the 
entire  separation  of  church  and  state  as  the  necessary 
condition  of  complete  religious  liberty.  Hence,  they  could 
come  to  no  agreement  in  this  respect ;  though  the  Congre- 
gationalists  were  compelled  gradually  to  adopt  these  same 
principles,  which  now  prevail  in  all  church-parties  through- 
out the  United  States. 

The  second  point  holds  a  certain  relation  to  the  third  ; 
but  it  seems  also  to  have  had  reference  to  a  special  exi- 
gency, viz^  an  attempt  made  by  the  government,  just  at 
this  time,  to  procure  a  change  in  the  fi-eeman's  oath 
hitherto  in  use.  Information  having  come  to  the  General 
Court  of  the  intrigues  of  certain  partisans  of  the  Episco- 
pal church,  or  other  malcontents,  against  the  countiy,  it 
was  resolved  as  a  measure  of  safety,  to  tender  to  each  man 
a  new  oath  of  fidelity,  in  which  was  promised,  in  place  of 
obedience  to  all  legal  ordinances,  obedience  to  all  whole- 

1  See  p.  68,  ff. 


92  NEW   ENGLAND   THEOCRACY. 

some  ordinances  of  the  existing  goveniment.  No  public 
office  was  to  be  entrusted  to  one  who  refused  this  oath. 
This  plan  was  opposed  by  Williams,  and  *his  influence  so 
prevailed  with  members  of  the  General  Court,  that  it  could 
not  be  carried  through.  Its  origin  is  probably  to  be  found 
in  a  commission  granted  by  Charles  I.  to  Archbishop  Laud 
and  others,  conferring  on  them  plenipotentiary  authority 
over  the  colonies ;  but  the  mode  by  which  they  sought  to 
defend  themselves  was  as  much  at  war  with  their  original 
principles,  as  it  was  in  Accordance  with  the  measures  which 
had  once  made  the  Independents  fugitives. 

The  positions  charged  upon  Williams  in  reference  to 
the  unregenerate  are  worthy  of  note.  They  plainly  ap- 
pear like  expressions  originating  in  unwarrantable  de- 
duction from  certain  principles.  That  fundamental  rule, 
by  which  the  unregenerate  were  refused  admission  to  the 
membership  of  the  Congregationalist  churches,  Williams 
extended  to  every  form  of  divine  worship  and  religious 
service ;  for  as  such  he  regarded  the  oath.  This  confound- 
ing of  that  which  constitutes  qualification  for  church-fel- 
lowship with  that  which  renders  a  religious  reference 
possible  in  any  case  whatever,  gained  no  footing,^  and  was 
discarded  even  by  the  late  adherents  of  Williams. 

1  We  take  occasion  here  to  quote  an  extraordinary  specimen  of  argu- 
mentation, which  was  made  use  of  against  Williams.  He  complained  in 
court  of  having  been  wronged  by  a  slanderous  report,  as  if  he  had  said  it 
was  unlawful  for  a  father  to  call  upon  his  child  to  eat  his  meat.  Mr. 
Hooker,  a  minister  who  was  present,  replied :  "  Why,  you  will  say  as  much 
again  if  you  stand  to  your  own  principles,  or  be  driven  to  say  nothing  at 
all."  Mr.  Williams  protesting  the  contrary,  Mr.  Hooker  proceeded  to  rea- 
son thus :  "  If  it  be  unlawful  to  call  on  an  unregenerate  person  to  pray,  since 
it  is  an  action  of  God's  worship,  then  it  is  unlawful  for  your  unregenerate 
child  to  pray  for  a  blessing  on  his  own  meat.  If  it  be  unlawful  for  him  to 
pray  for  a  blessing  upon  his  meat,  it  is  unlawful  for  him  to  eat  it,  for  it  is 
sanctified  by  prayer,  and  without  prayer,  unsanctified  (1  Tim.  4:  4,  5).    If 


NEW  ENGLAND   THEOCRACY*  93 

Tlie  fourth  point  probably  grew  out  of  opposition  to  an 
( ffort  for  uniformity.  In  May,  1635,  an  act  was  passed  by 
the  General  Court  at  Boston,  "  intreating  the  brethren  and 
eldei-s  of  every  church  within  this  jurisdiction,  that  they 
will  consult  and  advise  of  one  uniform  order  of  discipline 
in  the  churches,  agreeable  to  the  Scriptures,  and  then  to 
consider  how  far  the  magistrates  are  bound  to  interpose 
for  the  preservation  of  that  uniformity  and  peace  of  the 
churches." 

Notwithstanding  the  ultimate  success  of  Williams's  prin- 
ciples, it  is  certainly  not  to  be  denied  that  in  his  own  time 
he  was  not  in  a  condition  to  secure  currency  for  opinions 
which  were  not  entirely  systematized  and  clear  in  his  own 
mind,  and  which,  to  some  extent,  led  him  to  pernicious 
conclusions.  His  personal  qualities  preserved  the  attach- 
ment of  the  church  at  Salem  unimpaired.  It  so  happened 
that  during  the  above-mentioned  transactions,  this  town 
applied  for  the  assignment  of  a  parcel  of  land  belonging 
to  it;  but  the  Court  answered,  that  their  choice  of  Mr. 
Williams,  and  their  perseverance  in  the  same,  showed  such 
contempt  of  authority,  that  the  petition  could  not  be 
granted ;  nor  in  truth  was  their  claim  admitted  till  after 
the  settlement  of  this  afiiiir.  The  Salem  church  now  ad- 
dressed letters  to  the  other  churches,  calling  their  at- 
tention to  this  invasion  of  their  rights  and  liberties,  and 
urging  them  to  admonish  the  magistrates,  as  church-mem- 
bei-s,  for  such  a  course  of  proceeding.    Williams  was  still 


it  be  unlawful  for  him  to  eat  it,  it  is  unlawAil  for  you  to  call  upon  him  to 
cat  it;  for  it  is  unlawful  for  you  to  call  upon  him  to  sin."  Mather,  Book 
VII.  Cliap.  II.  ^  6.  Mather  waxes  indignant  over  the  behavior  of  Wil- 
liams, who  chose  to  hold  his  peace,  rather  than  make  any  answer.  The 
ministers  of  Boston  who  were  present  at  the  trial,  agreed  unconditionally 
with  the  government. 


94  NEW  ENGLAND   THEOCRACY. 

more  vehemeut.  Being  at  that  time  confined  by  sickness, 
he  wrote  to  his  church,  "  that  he  could  not  communicate 
longer  with  the  churches  in  the  Bay,  neither  would  he 
with  themselves  except  thay  would  refuse  communion 
with  the  rest."  Therefore,  in  October,  he  was  again  called 
before  the  Court,  and  there,  in  presence  of  the  assembled 
ministers  of  the  vicinity,  was  required  to  retract  the  opin- 
ions expressed  in  his  two  letters.  This  he  refused,  as  also 
the  offer  of  a  respite  with  a  view  to  a  subsequent  disputa- 
tion. After  an  unavailing  attempt,  by  a  public  conference, 
to  bring  him  to  submission,  the  Court,  with  the  concur- 
rence of  all  the  ministers  present,  one  alone  excepted, 
passed  sentence  on  him  as  follows  :  "  Whereas,  Mr.  Roger 
Williams,  one  of  the  elders  of  the  church  of  Salem,  hath 
broached  and  divulged  divers  new  and  dangerous  opinions, 
against  the  authority  of  magistrates ;  as  also  writ  letters 
of  defamation,  both  of  the  magistrates  and  churches  here ; 
and  that  before  any  conviction ;  and  yet  maintaineth  the 
same  without  any  retraction ;  it  is  therefore  ordered,  that 
the  said  Mr.  Williams  shall  depart  out  of  this  jurisdiction 
within  six  weeks  now  next  ensuing,  which  if  he  neglect  to 
perform,  it  shall  be  lawful  for  the  governor  and  two  of  the 
magistrates  to  send  him  to  some  place  out  of  this  juris- 
diction, not  to  return  any  more  without  license  from  the 
Court." 

The  church  at  Salem  retracted  their  former  expressions, 
and  submitted  to  the  decision  against  their  minister,  though 
not  without  great  previous  excitement  and  agitation.  Wil- 
liams having  requested  pei-mission  to  remain  in  Salem  till 
spring,  was  allowed  to  do  so,  on  condition  of  refraining 
from  all  expression  of  his  views ;  but  in  January  1636,  be- 
ing charged  with  holding  assemblies  in  his  own  house  for 
the  propagation  of  the  offensive  doctrines,  it  was  resolved 


NEW   ENGLAND   THEOCRACY.  95 

by  the  Court  that  he  should  be  sent  forthwith  to  England. 
During  this  interval,  he  had  brought  more  than  twenty 
pei-sons  to  the  determination  of  following  him  to  Narra- 
ganset  Bay,  southward  from  the  Plymouth  colony,  for  the 
purpose  of  founding  a  settlement.  As  he  did  not  answer 
to  a  warrant  for  his  appearance  in  Boston,  a  pinnace  was 
sent  to  Salem  under  a  commission  for  his  apprehension. 
But  before  its  arrival  he  had  left  the  town  ;  a  measure  ad- 
vised by  Governor  Winthrop  himself,  as  the  one  most 
conducive  to  the  public  peace  and  to  his  own  personal 
interests. 

Proceeding  through  the  yet  uncultivated  regions  of 
Massachusetts  in  a  southerly  direction,  he  succeeded  in 
establishing,  on  Narraganset  Bay,  the  colony  of  Provi- 
dence, which  was  soon  joined  by  a  considerable  number  of 
persons  from  the  older  colonies.  With  the  same  conscien- 
tiousness which  he  had  required  from  others,  he  purchased 
lands  from  the  Indians,  and  so  entirely  won  their  confi- 
dence, as  to  be  able  at  a  later  period  to  render  most  impor- 
tant services  to  the  other  colonies  in  the  minor  wars  with 
the  Indians.  "We  shall  return  to  the  subject  of  his  personal 
opinions,  and  his  relation  to  the  other  settlements,  after 
having  first  described  another  controversy  in  Boston, 
which  led  to  a  second  settlement  on  Narraganset  Bay. 

AKTINOMIAN   AOITATIOMS  —  ANKE   HUTCHINSON. 

Soon  after  the  expulsion  of  Williams  from  Massachu- 
setts, there  arrived  among  the  numerous  emigrants  to  New 
England  a  young  man  of  distinguished  family,  whose 
name  often  appears  in  the  subsequent  history  of  England. 
Henry  Vane  abhorred  the  oppressions  of  Episcopal  domi- 
nation, and  resolved  to  found  a  settlement  in  Connecticut. 
His  father,  who  was  a  partisan  of  the  king,  was  induced 


96  NEW  ENGLAND   THEOCRACY. 

by  him  to  consent  to  the  undertaking;  for  at  that  time 
Charles  I.  seems  to  have  favored  the  removal  of  his 
opposers  from  England.^  Yane  landed  at  Boston,  in  1636, 
and  although  still  a  young  man,  was  immediately  chosen 
Governor  of  Massachusetts.  Though  not  himself  an  ad- 
herent of  the  Antinomian  doctrines,  which  were  at  this 
time  spreading  in  Boston,  these  made  great  progress  under 
his  government.  It  appears  also,  from  a  correspondence 
between  him  and  Williams,  with  whom  he  was  on  terms 
of  close  friendship,  that  he  took  the  same  ground  with  him 
in  regard  to  unconditional  freedom  of  religious  worship 
and  of  church  discipline.  His  high  rank  secured  him 
many  adherents  among  the  members  of  the  General  Court, 
who  used  their  most  strenuous  efforts  to  secure  his  reelec- 
tion as  governor  the  following  year  (May,  1627)  ;  but 
after  considerable  agitation,  John  Winthrop,  the  well-tried 
founder  of  this  colony,  succeeded  to  the  office.^  Under 
him  the  Antinomian  controversy  reached  its  crisis  and 
teraiination. 

These  views  had  become  associated  with  the  iDreaching 
of  the  most  eminent  and  respected  minister  of  Boston. 
John  Cotton  had  been  some  years  settled  as  a  clergyman 
at  Boston,  in  England,^  when  he  embraced,  and  applied  in 
public  worship,  the  nonconformist  view  respecting  certain 
ceremonies  in  the  Episcopal  church.  He,  nevertheless,  re- 
mained several  years  undisturbed  in  his  office,  beloved  and 
esteemed  by  his  congregation,  and  much  valued  by  Wil- 

1  Subsequently  the  king  threw  hindrances  in  the  way  of  such  emigra- 
tion. In  1639,  as  is  well  known,  he  obliged  Cromwell  to  relinquish  his  in- 
tended voyage  to  New  England. 

2  Vane  soon  after  returned  to  England,  and  as  a  member  of  the  Long 
Parliament,  took  very  decided  ground  against  the  royal  government.  Af- 
ter the  Restoration,  he  was  executed,  June  11th,  1662,  although  he  had  not 
been  one  of  the  judges  of  Charles  I. 

3  In  Lincolnshire. 


NEW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY.  07 

Hams,  the  Bisliop  of  his  diocese,  who  was  himself  incline«"I 
to  Puritanism.^  But  at  length,  a  person  against  whom 
the  magistrates  of  Boston  had  instituted  some  proccedinir, 
swore  before  the  High  Commission  in  London,  that  the 
clerg}Tiien  and  magistrates  of  Boston  did  not  kneel  at  the 
sacrament,  and,  in  other  respects,  departed  from  uniformity 
in  ceremonies.  Before  a  warrant  could  arrive,  Mr.  Cotton 
fled  disguised  to  London ;  but  was  there  told  by  his  friends, 
among  whom  were  some  very  distinguished  men,  that  "  if 
he  had  been  charged  with  crime,  they  could  have  obtained 
his  pardon  ;  but  the  sin  of  being  a  Puritan  was  unpardon- 
able." Following  the  counsel  of  these  friends,  he  em- 
barked for  America  in  the  year  1636,  having  then  exercised 
the  office  of  a  clergyman  almost  twenty  years.  Soon  after 
liis  arrival  in  Boston,  he  began  to  act  as  assistant  to  Mr. 
Wilson,  then  minister  of  the  church.  The  reputation  of 
great  learning,  which  Cotton  brought  with  him  from 
England,  secured  him  high  distinction  :  while  he  won  the 
love  and  confidence  of  his  flock,  by  activity  in  his  office, 
and  by  his  preaching,  which  was  admired  for  its  freedom 
from  Latin  phrases,  and  displays  of  scholastic  learning  then 
in  vogue,  thus  being  intelligible  to  every  class  of  hearers.* 
It  was  the  custom  in  Boston  for  members  of  the  church 
to  hold  weekly  meetings  for  conversation  on  the  subjects 
which  had  been  brought  before  them  in  public  worship. 
This  practice  was  particularly  observed  in  connection  with 
Mr.  Cotton's  preaching,  even  among  the  female  members 
imder  the  guidance  of  one  Mrs.  Anne  Hutchinson,  who 

1  Williams  was  afterwards  himself  called  to  accoant,  and  was  heavily 
fined  and  thrown  into  prison ;  being  set  at  liberty  by  the  Long  Parliament, 
he  became,  in  1641,  archbishop  of  York. 

2  His  name  was  so  well  known  in  England,  that  after  the  Revolution 
broke  out,  he  was  requested  by  many  distinguished  men  to  return;  but  he 
never  again  left  his  adopted  countrv.    He  died  in  Boston  in  16/52. 

'    9 


98  NEW  ENGLAND   THEOCRACY. 

had  arrived  in  the  country  in  1636.  She  was  in  the  habit 
of  praying  before  assemblies  of  sixty  to  eighty  persons, 
and  of  repeating  Mr.  Cotton's  discourses,  to  which  she  then 
added  explanations  and  reflections  of  her  own.  Here 
Antinomian  tendencies  soon  developed  themselves  ^  in  the 
doctrines,  "that  the  person  of  the  Holy  Ghost  dwells  in  a 
justified  person;  that  the  command  to  work  out  our  salva- 
tion with  fear  and  trembling  refers  to  such  only  as  stand 
under  the  law  of  works ;  that  sanctification  is  no  sufficient 
evidence  of  a  justified  state."  With  these  teachings  was 
connected  a  fanatical  tendency,  exhibited  in  the  claim  to 
special  revelations.  While  Vane  was  governor,  these 
views,  which  were  propagated  under  the  honored  name  of 
Cotton,  found  favor  in  many  quarters ;  the  party  which 
cherished  them  branded  the  rest  as  "legalists,  who  were 
acquainted  neither  with  the  spirit  of  the  Gosj^el,  nor  with 
Christ  himself."  "  People  imder  a  covenant  of  works " 
were  distinguished  from  "people  under  a  covenant  of 
grace."  The  dispute  having  soon  spread  through  the 
whole  town  and  even  among  members  of  the  government. 
Cotton  found  it  necessary  to  express  his  opinion  in  re- 
gard to  it.  He  rejected  the  new  doctrines  as  erroneous; 
but  as  he  had  at  first  formed  a  very  favorable  judgment 
of  Mrs.  Hutchinson  and  her  followers,  and  as  she  pro- 
fessed, when  admonished  by  him,  to  acquiesce  in  his 
views,  he  expressed  himself  with  great  moderation.  In 
the  crisis  to  which  the  controversy  had  now  come,  his 
explanation  satisfied  neither  party ;  though  it  would 
seem,  from  his  being  sent  from  Boston  to  New  Haven, 
for  the  purpose  of  procuring  a  change  in  the  measure 
there  adopted  at  this  time,  that  the  personal  estimation 
which  he  had  enjoyed  remained  unabated. 

1  Hutch.  II.  p.  46. 


NEW   ENGLAND    THEOCRACY.  99 

The  Antinomian  doctrines  had  just  then  found  an  advo- 
cate in  a  minister  by  the  name  of  Wheelwright,  brothcr- 
in-hiw  of  Mrs.  Hutcliinson.  lie  maintained  in  a  sermon, 
tliat  "the  magistrates  and  ministers  of  tlie  country  walked 
in  such  a  way  of  salvation,  as  was  no  better  than  a  cove- 
nant of  works."  He  compared  them  to  the  Jews,  to 
Herod,  to  the  Philistines,  and  exhorted  all  who  stood  in 
the  covenant  of  grace  to  contend  against  them  as  against 
their  greatest  enemies.  Thereupon  he  was  summoned  by 
the  magistracy  before  the  General  Court  at  its  next  session, 
and  his  defence  having  been  heard,  his  sermon  was  pro- 
nounced "  seditious  and  tending  to  the  disturbance  of  the 
public  peace."  All  attempts  to  bring  him  to  a  sense  of  his 
error  were  unavailing;  still  he  was  allowed  the  time  to 
the  next  session  for  considering  whether  he  would  give  in 
his  submission,  or  expect  the  sentence  of  the  Court.  The 
adherents  of  the  Antinomian  party  were  so  excited  by  this 
attack  on  their  minister,  that  they  assembled  the  same 
evening  and  drew  up  a  petition  or  rather  a  protest  against 
the  proceedings  of  the  Court,  wherein  they  expressed  their 
opinion  that  "  Wheelwright  had  neither  been  guilty  of  any 
seditious  act  whatever,  nor  did  his  doctrine  contain  any- 
thing seditious,  being  no  other  than  the  word  of  Scripture; 
it  had,  moreover,  had  no  seditious  consequences,  for  none 
of  his  followers  had  drawn  the  sword,  or  attempted  to  set 
free  their  innocent  brother.  They  therefore  besought  the 
Court  to  consider  how  great  was  the  danger  attending  such 
an  intermeddling  in  the  affairs  of  the  prophets  of  God,  and 
to  remember  that  even  the  apostle  Paul  was  called  a  pesti- 
lent fellow,  a  mover  of  sedition,  and  the  ringleader  of  a 
sect."  This  petition  was  presented  to  the  Court  a  day  or 
two  after  the  censure  had  been  passed  on  Wheelwright's 
sermon ;   but  though  signed  by  above  sixty  names,  and 


100  N£W   EXGLAND   THEOCEACY. 

even  by  some  members  of  the  Court,  it  was  rejected  by  tlic 
majority. 

riKST  NEW  ENGLAND  SYNOD  —  EXPULSION  OF  THE  ANTINOMIANS. 

But  the  government  was  itself  aware,  that  a  division 
which  had  gone  so  far  could  not  be  settled  or  suppressed 
by  ordinary  means.  It  was  resolved,  therefore,  to  call  a 
synod  of  ministers  and  lay-delegates  of  the  churches,  from 
which  they  might  secure  the  necessary  support  for  a  vigor- 
ous course  of  proceeding.  This  first  synod  of  the  Inde- 
pendents met  at  Newtown,^  on  the  30th  of  August  1637. 
To  this  assembly,  besides  the  regular  members,  the  magis- 
trates also  Avere  admitted  for  the  purpose  of  maintaining 
quiet  and  order ;  and  they  were  not  only  allowed  to  hear, 
but  as  occasion  offered,  to  express  their  views.  A  particu- 
lar space  was  reserved  for  the  adherents  of  the  new  opin- 
ions, and  free  entrance  was  granted  to  all  who  wished  to 
be  present.  On  the  first  day,  Thomas  Hooker,  minister  of 
Hartford  in  Connecticut,  and  Peter  Bulkley  of  Concord, 
Massachusetts,  were  chosen  moderators,  and  a  list  of 
eighty-two  erroneous  opinions  then  prevailing  in  different 
parts  of  the  country  was  read  before  the  synod.  On  the 
following  morning,  a  committee  employed  itself  in  draw- 
ing up  the  grounds  of  refutation,  and  in  the  afternoon  pre- 
sented their  arguments  to  the  synod.  The  next  day,  the 
other  party  gave  in  their  reply,  and  to  this  followed  a 
rejoinder  to  the  reasons  thus  alleged  by  the  Antinomians. 
Thereupon  the  final  action  was  taken  by  a  unanimous  con- 
demnation of  all  the  new  opinions,  to  which  the  whole 
body  of  ministers  present  gave  their  subscription.  Only 
Mr.  Cotton  declared,  that  while  he  "  disrelished  the  greater 
part  of  the  new  opinions,  some  of  which  were  heretical, 

1  Called  Cambridge  in  the  following  year.    See  p.  84. 


NEW  ENGLAND   THEOCRACY.  101 

some  blasphemous,  some  erroneous,  and  all  of  them  incon- 
gruous," yet  he  could  not  condemn  them  in  toto  and  with- 
out qualification.  In  reference  to  the  doctrine  of  justifica- 
tion, he  maintained,  in  contrariety  to  the  general  opinion, 
that  "there  may  be  a  union  of  man  with  God,  before  faith." 
It  was  felt  that  the  dissent  of  a  man  like  Cotton  had  a 
momentous  bearing  on  the  decision  of  the  controversy, 
which  could  thus  be  prosecuted  by  the  disaffected  under 
his  name  even  more  successfully  than  before.  But  by 
repeated  conference  on  the  contested  points,  Mr.  Cotton 
was  broufrht  to  an  agreement  with  the  rest  in  the  follow- 
ing  declaration :  "  That  we  are  not  united  and  married  to 
the  Lord  Jesus  Christ  without  faith,  giving  an  actual  con- 
sent of  soul  unto  it;  that  God's  effectual  calling  of  the 
soul  unto  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  and  the  soul's  apprehend- 
ing by  an  act  of  faith  the  offered  righteousness  of  the  Lord 
Jesus  Christ  is  in  order  of  nature  before  God's  act  of  justi- 
fication upon  the  soul ;  that  in  the  testimony  of  the  Holy 
Spirit,  which  is  the  evidence  of  our  good  estate  before 
God,  the  qualifications  of  inherent  graces,  and  the  fruits 
thereof,  proving  the  sincerity  of  our  faith,  must  ever  bo 
coexistent,  concurrent,  coapparent,  or  else  the  conceived 
testimony  of  the  Spirit  is  either  a  delusion  or  doubtful." 
Having  thus  yielded  his  assent  to  the  general  conviction, 
'My.  Cotton  promised  also  to  unite  his  testimony  with  that 
of  his  brethren  against  the  erroneous  opinions.  The  synod 
had  been  three  weeks  in  session.  On  the  last  day,  Mr. 
Davenport,  minister  of  New  Haven,  preached  a  discourse 
from  Phil.  3:  16.,  "Nevertheless,  whereunto  we  have 
already  attained,  let  us  walk  by  the  same  rule,  let  us  mind 
the  same  thing."  He  then  read  aloud  the  decisions  of  the 
synod,  which  were  so  drawn  up  that  after  the  statement  of 
each  particular  error,  the  judgment  followed :  "  We  find 

9* 


102  NEW   ENGLAND   THEOCRACY. 

this  contrary  to  such  and  such  a  text  of  Scripture." 
Finally,  he  exhorted  the  ministers  and  lay-delegates  to 
labor  in  their  respective  churches  for  a  uniformity  with  the 
views  of  the  synod,  and  then  dismissed  the  assembly. 

Now,  whatever  a  synod  lacked  in  legislative  power, 
according  to  the  fundamental  principles  of  the  Independ- 
ents, it  gained  in  this  case  through  the  unanimity  of  its 
members.  But  neither  did  Wheelwright  change  the  char- 
acter of  his  preaching,  nor  Mrs.  Hutchinson  discontinue 
her  meetings,  especially  as  both  of  them  still  found  no 
inconsiderable  support  in  Boston.  On  this  account,  the 
General  Court  assembled  on  the  2d  of  October  in  New- 
town. Their  first  step  was  to  exclude  three  members  from 
Boston,  by  one  of  whom  the  petition  above  mentioned,  had 
been  drawn  up  and  signed,  and  by  both  the  others  pub- 
licly defended.  After  some  resistance,  the  people  of  Bos- 
ton Avere  induced  to  supply  the  places  thus  made  vacant 
by  a  new  election.  "Wheelwright  was  now  required  to 
give  a  categorical  answer  to  the  interrogatory  previously 
put,  whether  he  would  acknowledge  his  error  in  respect  to 
that  seditious  sermon,  or  expect  the  judgment  of  the 
Court.  He  replied,  that  "  he  was  guilty  neither  of  sedition 
nor  insubordination ;  he  had  preached  nothing  but  chris- 
tian truth ;  as  to  the  application,  that  was  made  by  others, 
not  by  himself."  He  was  then  required,  for  the  sake  of  the 
l^ublic  peace,  to  leave  the  colony  voluntarily.  This  being 
refused,  sentence  was  passed,  declaring  his  forfeiture  of 
civil  rights,  his  banishment  from  the  commonwealth,  and 
his  immediate  imprisonment  in  failure  of  furnishing  secur- 
ity that  he  would  depart  before  the  end  of  March.  From 
this  decision  he  appealed  to  the  King  of  England,  but  it 
was  replied  that  his  case  was  not  of  a  character  admitting 
of  appeal.     He  then  declined  giving  the  required  security. 


NEW  ENGLAND  TUEOCRACY.  103 

and  was  accordingly  lodged  in  prison ;  but  on  the  follow- 
ing day  he  yielded,  recalled  his  appeal,  and  declared  him- 
self ready  to  submit  to  simple  banishment.  The  Court 
dismissed  him  on  the  promise,  that  if  he  did  not  leave  the 
commonwealth  within  fourteen  days,  he  would  himself 
return  to  prison,  and  there  await  the  decision  of  his  case. 
He  chose  to  go  into  banishment.^ 

This  matter  being  disposed  of,  the  petitioners  were  called 
before  the  Court ;  after  a  part  had  made  their  submission, 
the  rest  were  punished,  some  by  dismissal  from  their  offices, 
some  by  fines,  some  by  banishment.  Mrs.  Hutchinson  had 
not  been  concerned  in  the  petition  ;  but  it  could  no  longer 
be  overlooked  that  she  still  continued  her  weekly  meetings. 
She  was  accordingly  called  up  and  charged  with  being  the 
cause,  through  the  preaching  of  her  errors  and  her  slander  of 
all  the  ministers  of  the  country,  of  the  late  disturbances  and 
disorders  in  church  and  state.  In  her  defence,  so  far  from  re- 
tracting anything  or  promising  to  remain  quiet  in  future,  she 
indulged  freely  in  bitter  reflections  against  the  Court.  She 
thus  compared  her  case  with  that  of  the  prophet  Daniel:* 
"When  the  princes  and  presidents  could  find  nothing 
against  him,  because  he  was  faithful,  they  sought  matter 
against  him  concerning  the  law  of  his  God,  to  cast  him  into 
the  lions'  den."  Then  she  assumed  the  prophetic  tone: 
"  Take  heed  how  you  proceed  against  me ;  for  I  know  that 
for  this  you  go  about  to  do  to  me,  God  will  ruin  you  and 
your  posterity,  and  this  whole  state."  The  Court  ordered 
her  to  be  silent,  and  as  there  appeared  to  be  no  hope  of  her 
recantation,  required  her  to  depart  from  that  jurisdiction 

1  Seven  years  after,  on  bis  apologizing  for  remarks  made  against  the 
Government,  his  sentence  was  revolted  ;  and  ho  returned  and  continued 
to  live  many  years  as  minister  of  the  Church  in  Hampton  and  afterward 
in  Salisbury. 

a  Dan.  6:4,5. 


104  NEW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY. 

within  six  months.  At  the  same  time,  the  church  at  Bos- 
ton, of  which  she  was  a  member,  declared  lier  guilty  of 
heresy,  as  having  maintained  twenty-six  of  the  doctrines 
condemned  by  the  synod.  She  drew  up,  indeed,  a  recanta- 
tion, but  added  to  it  the  protestation  "  that  she  was  never 
really  of  any  opinion  contrary  to  the  declaration  she  had 
now  made."  Being  convicted  of  the  contrary  by  witnesses, 
her  recantation  was  rejected,  and  she  was  excommunicated 
as  a  public  liar,  with  the  full  consent  of  the  church.  Other 
members  of  the  church  shared  the  same  fate,  not  so  much 
on  account  of  erroneous  opinions,  as  of  offences  in  conduct. 
These  exiles  betook  themselves,  some  to  Connecticut, 
some  to  New  Hampshire,  but  the  greater  part  repaired  to 
Roger  Williams,  in  Providence.  Here  they  resolved  to  set- 
tle on  an  island  in  Narraganset  Bay  hitherto  called  Aquat- 
neck,  ^  to  which  they  gave  the  name  of  Rhode  Island.  Af- 
ter having  purchased  it  from  the  Indians  by  the  help  of 
Roger  Williams,  they  founded  here  a  colony,  which,  though 
holding  the  most  friendly  relations  to  that  of  Providence, 
w^as,  at  first,  wholly  distinct  from  it.  It  was,  however,  the 
wish  of  both  colonies  to  be  united.  In  1643,  Williams  went 
to  England,  and  through  his  acquaintance  with  Sir  Henry 
Vane  obtained  from  parliament  a  charter  for  the  colony  of 
Rhode  Island,  under  w^hich  name  were  included  all  the  set- 
tlements in  Narraganset  Bay.  This  charter  was  confirmed 
by  Charles  II.,  in  1662,  and  although  annulled  in  1684,  was 
restored  after  the  accession  of  William  HI.  Their  consti- 
tution, which  is  thoroughly   democratic,  has  maintained 

1  Mrs.  Hutchinson,  for  some  reason  not  known,  removed  from  Rhode 
Island  in  1642,  after  the  death  of  her  husband,  to  the  Dutch  settlements, 
and  took  up  her  abode  in  the  neighborhood  of  New  York.  The  following 
year,  she  was  murdered,  with  her  whole  family,  by  the  Indians,  one  daugh- 
ter excepted,  who  was  carried  into  captivity. 


NEW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY.  105 

itself  unchanged  till  near  the  present  time,  which  is  the 
case  with  no  other  state  of  the  North  American  Union. 

RELATION    OF    RHODE   ISLAND   TO   THE   OTHER  COLONIES. 

We  have  already  noticed  the  antagonism  in  which  Rhode 
Island  found  itself  continually  placed  in  respect  to  the  other 
colonies.  The  declaration  of  a  total  separation  of  churcli 
and  state,  and  of  unconditional  liberty  in  religious  worship, 
seemed  like  an  unheard  of  novelty.  The  speedy  dissolution 
of  the  new  settlement  was  confidently  anticipated  in  Boston, 
and  it  was  judged  necessary  to  keep  rigidly  aloof  from  all 
connection  with  them,  in  order  not  to  be  involved  in  the 
same  ruin.  The  General  Court  of  Massachusetts  expressed 
itself  on  this  point  in  a  resolution  adopted  May  12th,  1G38. 
Ohe  of  the  exiles,  John  Green  by  name,  who  had  settled  in 
Providence,  wrote  from  this  place  to  the  government  at 
Boston,  charging  them  "  with  arrogating  to  themselves  the 
power  of  Christ  over  the  churches  and  the  consciences  of 
men."  Thereupon  it  was  ordered,  that  "  the  said  John 
Green  shall  not  come  into  this  jurisdiction  upon  pain  of  im- 
prisonment and  further  censure  ;  and  because  it  appears 
to  this  Court  that  some  others  of  the  same  place  are  confi- 
dent in  the  same  corrupt  judgment  and  practice,  it  is 
ordered,  that  if  any  other  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  said 
plantation  of  Providence  shall  come  within  this  jurisdiction, 
tliey  shall  be  apprehended  and  brought  before  some  of  the 
magistrates ;  and  if  they  will  not  disclaim  the  said  corrupt 
opinions  and  censure,  they  shall  be  commanded  presently  to 
depart ;  and  if  such  persons  shall  after  be  found  within  this 
jurisdiction,  they  shall  be  imprisoned  and  punished  as  the 
Court  shall  see  cause." 

The  following  chapter  will  show  the  application  of  this 
enactment  on  the  appearance  of  another  party  opposed  to 


lOG  NEW   ENGLAND    THEOCRACY. 

the  Congregationalist  Theocracy,  which,  judging  from 
Roger  "Williams's  course,  it  was  supposed  might  justly  be 
associated  with  his  name.  It  seems  probable  that  during 
the  first  years  of  his  residence  in  Providence,  Williams  had 
established  no  separate  church,^  the  number  of  inhabitants 
being  perhaps  too  small,  or  too  diverse  in  their  views,  or  too 
much  occupied  at  first  in  providing  for  the  absolute  neces- 
saries of  Ufe.  Religious  meetings  were  held,  however, 
under  the  guidance  of  Mr.  Williams.  As  the  settlers  in- 
creased in  number,  as  well  by  emigration  from  England  as 
from  the  other  colonies,  several  opposers  of  infant  baptism 
were  found  among  them,  and  Williams  now  declared  him- 
self of  their  wa}^  of  thinking.  That  he  had  previously 
advocated  the  doctrines  of  the  Anabaptists  is  not  probable, 
the  above-mentioned  charge  of  Brewster  not  with  standii% ; 
for,  in  that  case,  it  would  certainly  have  been  made  to  bear 
more  decidedly  against  him.  It  was  resolved  to  organize  a 
new  church  ;  and  as  there  was  no  minister  among  them,  one 
of  the  lay  brethren  first  administered  the  rite  of  baptism  to 
Mr.  Williams,  who  then  did  the  same  for  the  rest.  This 
was  in  May,  1639.  Scarcely  was  this  done,  when  scru- 
ples arose  in  his  mind  respecting  the  validity  of  his  bap- 
tism, which  induced  him  two  or  three  months  after  to  with- 
draw from  the  new  church ;  and  though  not  diifering  on 
essential  points  of  faith  from  the  Christians  around  him,  he 
never  again  entered  into  the  church  relation.  The  grounds 
of  this  course  are  to  be  found  in  his  writings.     Thus  he 

1  We  may  at  least  draw  the  conclusion  that  those  residents  of  Provi- 
dence, who  had  previously  been  members  of  the  Salem  church,  were  not 
excluded  till  after  Williams  went  over  to  the  Baptists.  Tlie  older  narra- 
tors, for  the  most  part,  only  take  notice  of  the  affairs  of  Rhode  Island 
in  connection  with  the  other  colonics;  and  even  Knowles,  the  biographer 
of  Williams,  has  not  been  able  to  settle  this  point  with  certainty. 


NBW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY.  107 

maintained,  that  the  proper  ministration  of  the  word  of 
Christ  was  interrupted  for  many  centuries  by  the  reign  of 
antichrist ;  the  proclamation  of  the  Gospel  might  still  be 
continued  and  lead  souls  truly  to  heaven ;  but  never  again 
will  there*  exist  a  true  and  genuine  church,  till  after  a  new 
special  revelation  from  God.  This  fanatical  opinion  seems, 
however,  to  have  exercised  no  material  influence  cither  on 
his  private  or  his  public  life.  He  maintained  a  regular  cor- 
respondence with  distinguished  individuals  in  the  other  col- 
onies, particularly  with  the  governor  of  Connecticut,  a  son 
of  Governor  Winthrop  of  Boston,  and  received  from  him 
many  tokens  of  regard.  lie  exhibited  great  wisdom  in 
composing  the  disorders  and  contentions  which  were  rife  in 
the  new  state ;  and  at  his  death,  early  in  the  year  1683,  he 
left  the  settlement  which  he  had  planted  in  a  flourishing 
condition. 

The  prejudice  excited  in  Boston  against  everything 
which  proceeded  from  Rhode  Island,  as  shown  in  the  fore- 
going narration,  exercised  no  little  influence  on  th'  meas- 
ures of  the  government  in  the  controversies  which  form 
the  subject  of  our  next  chapter.  We  shall  now  pass  im- 
mediately to  the  conflicts  with  the  Anabaptists  and  Qua- 
kers ;  though  in  the  order  of  time,  they  follow  the  events 
and  measures  which  mark  the  first  firm  organization  and 
subsequent  change  of  the  theocratic  constitution.  But 
for  the  sake  of  presenting,  in  an  uninterrupted  view, 
the  progressive  inward  development  of  that  which  be- 
longed to  the  organism  of  the  church  itself,  we  must 
first  dispose  of  an  assault  from  without,  which  it  success- 
fully repelled.  Whatever  in  its  constitution  serves  for  the 
illustration  of  the  measures  adopted  for  this  purpose,  has 
been  already  exhibited  in  the  extracts  from  the  platform 
of  church  discipline  contained  in  chapter  second. 


CHAPTEE    IV. 

EXCLUSION  AKD  PERSECUTION  OF  ANABAPTISTS  AND  QUAKERS. 

DREAD  OF  THE  ANABAPTISTS  CONNECTED  WITH  THE  HISTORY  OF 
THE  RE-BAPTIZERS  OP  GERMANY  ;  MEASURES  FOR  THEIR  SUP- 
PRESSION. 

The  Anabaptist  church,  formed  by  Williams  in  Provi- 
dence,^ continued  to  exist  after  his  withdrawal  from  it; 
and  in  consequence  of  the  banishment  of  the  Antinomians 
from  Boston,  still  another  arose  in  Newport,  the  principal 
pljjce  in  the  island  of  Rhode  Island.  This  was  under  the 
care  of  John  Clarke,  formerly  a  physician,  who  had  been  a 
resident  of  Boston  during  the  two  years  previous  to  the 
rupture  which  has  been  described.  The  exact  date  of  its 
origin  cannot  be  determined,  but  it  was  not  far  from  the 
year  1644,  and  may  have  been  even  earlier.  In  the  settle- 
ments on  Narraganset  Bay,  the  principle  there  dominant, 
of  a  total  separation  between  church  and  state,  had  devel- 
oped in  the  Anabaptists  no  hostile  tendency  towards  civil 
government  in  general. 

But  when,  during  the  same  period,  this  party  began  to  in- 
crease and  extend  itself  in  Massachusetts,  the  government, 

1  The  adherents  of  adult  baptism  have  successfully  appropriated  to 
themselves  the  name  of  Baptists,  and  repudiated  that  of  Anabaptists : 
on  the  grounds,  1st,  that  it  is  not  their  design  to  re-baptize  ;  and  2d,  that 
the  name  Anabaptist  was  associated  with  certain  practical  results,  or 
with  doctrines  and  acts  of  the  German  rc-baptizcrs.  The  truth  of  this  will 
appear  from  the  ensuing  narration. 


NEW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY.  109 

remembering  what  had  happened  in  Germany,  apprehended 
not  merely  an  antagonism  to  the  existing  theocratic  rela- 
tion, but  an  overthrow  of  civil  order  and  government. 
We  see  a  manifestation  of  this  fear  in  the  following  law 
passed  by  the  General  Court  in  1644:  — 

"Forasmuch  as  experience  hath  plentifully  and  often 
proved,  that  since  the  first  rising  of  the  Anabaptists,  about 
one  hundred  years  since,  they  have  been  the  incendiaries 
of  the  commonwealths,  and  the  infectors  of  persons  in  main 
matters  of  religion,  and  the  troublers  of  churches  in  all 
places  where  they  have  been,  and  that  they  who  have  held 
the  baptizing  of  infants  unlawful,  have  usually  held  other 
erroi*s  or  heresies  together  therewith,  though  they  have 
(as  other  heretics  use  to  do)  concealed  the  same  till  they 
spied  out  a  fit  advantage  and  opportunity  to  vent  them,  by 
way  of  question  and  scniple ;  and  whereas,  divers  of  this 
kind  have,  since  our  coming  into  New  England,  appeared 
amongst  ourselves,  some  whereof  (as  others  before  them) 
denied  the  ordinance  of  magistracy,  and  the  lawfulness  o^ 
making  war,  and  others  the  lawfulness  of  magistrates  and 
their  inspection  into  any  breach  of  the  first  table ;  which 
opinions,  if  they  should  be  connived  at  by  us,  are  like  to 
be  increased  amongst  us,  and  so  must  necessarily  bring 
guilt  upon  us,  infection  and  trouble  to  the  churches,  and 
hazard  to  the  whole  commonwealth ;  it  is  ordered  and 
agi-eed,  that  if  any  person  or  persons,  ^vithin  this  jurisdic- 
tion, shall  either  openly  condemn  or  oppose  the  baptizing 
of  infants,  or  go  about  secretly  to  seduce  others  from  the 
approbation  or  use  thereof,  or  shall  purposely  depart  the 
congregation  at  the  ministration  of  the  ordinance,  or  shall 
deny  the  ordinance  of  magistracy,  or  their  lawful  right 
and  authority  to  make  war,  or  to  punish  the  outward 
breaches  of  the  first  table,  and  shall  appear  to  the  Court 

10 


110  -         NEW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY. 

wilfully  and  obstinately  to  continue  therein  after  due 
time  and  means  of  conviction,  every  such  person  or 
l^ersons  shall  be  sentenced  to  banishment." 

In  the  year  1646,  the  government,  in  replying  to  the 
complaints  of  certain  disaffected  persons  whose  petition 
will  be  mentioned  in  the  following  chapter,  thus  vindicates 
this  law  :  ^  "  The  great  trouble  we  have  been  put  unto  and 
hazard  also,  by  familistical  and  anabaptistical  spirits,  whose 
conscience  and  religion  hath  been  only  to  set  forth  them- 
selves and  raise  contentions  in  the  country,  did  provoke 
us  to  provide  for  our  safety  by  a  law,  that  all  such  should 
take  notice  how  unwelcome  they  should  be  unto  us,  either 
coming  or  staying.  But  for  such  as  differ  from  us  only  in 
judgment,  in  point  of  baptism  or  some  other  points  of  less 
consequence,  and  live  peaceably  amongst  us,  without  occa- 
sioning disturbance,  etc.,  such  have  no  cause  to  complain ; 
for  it  hath  never  yet  been  put  in  execution  against  any  of 
them,  although  such  are  known  to  live  amongst  us." 

To  this  explanation  of  the  law  in  words,  we  now  add 
the  actual  application  of  it. 

The  Anabaptists  first  came  into  collision  with  the  gov- 
ernment in  Plymouth  colony.  Obadiah  Holmes,^  once  a 
student  in  Oxford  University,  had  experienced,  while  still 
a  youth,  that  inward  conflict  through  which  he  attained  to 
the  consciousness  of  sin  and  of  salvation.  On  his  landing 
in  New  England  he  became  a  member  of  the  Salem  church. 
Here  he  remained  six  or  seven  years,  and  then  removed, 
1645,  to  Rehoboth,  a  newly-settled  town  of  New  Plymouth, 
on  the  border  of  Rhode  Island.     Here  also  he  lived  some 


1  Collection  of  original  papers  relative  to  the  history  of  the  colony  of  i 
Massachusetts  Bay,  Boston,  1769,  p.  216.  ) 

2  Backus,  I.,  208  ff.,  gives  some  account  of  his  life  by  himself,  preserved  j 
in  the  family  in  his  own  handwriting.  I 


NEW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY.  Ill 

four  years  in  connection  with  the  church  under  the  care 
of  Mr.  Newman  ;  but  at  length,  Holmes,  in  connection 
with  other  members  of  the  church,  charged  this  minister 
willi  having,  by  the  aid  of  a  few  others,  proceeded  in  an 
unjustifiable  manner  in  the  name  of  the  church.  Being 
outvoted  in  this  attempt,  they  resolved  on  forming  a  sepa- 
rate church,  a  measure  certainly  not  at  variance  with  the 
l)rinciples  of  the  Congregationalists.  But  general  scandal 
was  excited  when  the  seceding  members  submitted  to  im- 
mersion (probably  at  the  hands  of  John  Clarke),  and  pro- 
ceeded to  form  an  Anabaptist  church.  Holmes  was 
excommunicated  by  the  Congregation alist  church,  and  on 
tlie  4th  of  June,  1650,  was  presented,  with  two  others, 
before  the  General  Court  of  New  Plymouth.  Four  peti- 
tions had  been  addressed  to  that  body,  urging  the  speedy 
suppression  of  the  existing  schism  ;  one  from  the  town  of 
Itehoboth,  one  from  the  neighboring  church  in  Taunton, 
one  from  the  collective  ministers  of  New  Plymouth,  two 
excepted,  and  one  finally  from  the  General  Court  at  Bos- 
ton. Still  Holmes  and  his  followers  were  mildly  dealt 
with  ;  only  they  were  obliged  to  leave  the  colony.  They 
took  refuge  in  Newport,  and  connected  themselves  with 
the  church  there,  under  the  care  of  Mr.  Clarke. 

There  lived  at  Lynn,  a  place  eight  or  ten  miles  north  of 
Boston,  an  Anabaptist,  by  the  name  of  William  Witter, 
who  wished  to  connect  himself  with  a  church  of  his  own 
persuasion,  but,  on  account  of  his  advanced  age,  could  not 
undertake  the  journey  to  Newport.  At  his  request,  Clarke 
and  Holmes,  in  company  with  a  third  by  the  name  of 
Crandall,  made  him  a  visit  on  the  19th  of  July,  1651,  and 
the  day  after,  being  Sunday,  held  divine  service  in  his 
house;  but,  while  Clarke  was  preaching,  two  constables 
made  their  appearance,  who,  after  producing  their  warrant 


112                           NEW  ENGLAND   THEOCRACY.  ' 

from  the  local  magistrate,  apprehended  the  three  men,  and  i 

took   them    as   prisoners  to    the  ale-house.^       Here  they  '. 

were  required  to  attend  the  afternoon  service,  and  were  j 

obliged  to  do  so,  although  Clarke  declared  that  he  would  1 

make  known  his  dissent  in  the  meeting,  "by  word  and  j 

gesture."     He  did  both.    When  they  had  been  shown  into  ] 

the  seat  appointed  for  them,  Clarke  put  on  his  hat  again,^  j 

which  was  then  struck  off  by  a  constable.     Prayer,  sing-  \ 

ing,  and  sermon  being  ended,  he  desired  leave  to  address  a  i 

few  words  to  the  congregation.     On  being  answered  that  j 

no  objections  could  be  heard  against  what  had  been  deliv-  i 

ered,  he  replied  that  this  was  not  his  purpose ;  but,  as  he  j 

had  already  signified  his  dissent  from  them  "  by  gesture,"  \ 

he  now  wished  to  declare  the  grounds  of  the  same  by  i 

words.     He  then  proceeded :  "  First,  from  the  considera-  | 

tion  we  are  strangers  to  each  other,  and  so  strangers  to  j 

each  other's  inward  standing,  in  respect  to  God,  and  so  ! 

cannot  conjoin  and  act  in  faith ;  and  what  is  not  of  foith  is  ; 

sin.     And,  in  the  second  place,  I  could  not  judge  that  you  i 

are  gathered  together  and  walk  according  to  the  visible  ; 

order  of  our  Lord."    At  this  point,  the  magistrate  informed  \ 

him  that  he  could  say  no  more,  and  commanded  silence.  ; 

Two  days  after,  he  sent  them  to  Boston,  with  a  mittimus,  ] 

wherein  were  the  foregoing  incidents.    Here,  on  the  31st  of  ! 

July,  they  received  sentence,  Clarke  to  pay  twenty  pounds,  ] 

Holmes  thirty,  and  Crandall  five ;  or,  in  default  of  pay-  ] 

ment,  to  be  "  well  whii^ped."     The  acts  recited  in  the  mit-  ; 

timus  are  set  forth  as  the  grounds  of  this  sentence,  to  i 

which  is  added :  "  That  the  said  John  Clarke,  on  the  fol-  -^ 

1 

lowing  day,  at  the  house  of  Witters,  and  in  contempt  of  i 

1  It  is.  clear  that  the  town  was  provided  with  no  prison,  and  thus  it  was  - 
that  the  prisoners  were  able  to  hold  another  meeting.  j 

2  These  statements  are  taken  ft-om  an  account  by  Clarke  himself.  ^ 


NEW  ENGLAND  TUEOCRACY.  113 

authority,  being  then  in  custody  of  the  law,  did  there 
ndmiuister  the  sacrament  of  the  Lord's  Supper  to  one 
oxcomniunicated  person  (Ilohnes),  to  another  under  ad- 
monition (Crandall),  and  to  a  third,  that  was  an  inhabitant 
of  Lynn  and  not  in  fellowship  with  any  church ;  and  yet, 
upon  answer  in  open  Court,  did  affirm,  that  he  never  re- 
baptized  any,  although  he  confessed  that  he  did  baptize 
such  as  were  baptized  before,  and  thereby  did  necessarily 
deny  the  baptism  that  was  before  to  be  baptism,  the 
churches  no  churches,  and  also  all  other  ordinances  and  min- 
isters, as  if  all  were  a  nullity ;  and  also  did,  in  the  court, 
deny  the  lawfulness  of  baptizing  of  infants ;  all  this  tends 
to  the  dishonor  of  God,  the  despising  of  the  ordinances  of 
God  among  us,  the  peace  of  the  churches,  and  seducing 
the  subjects  of  the  commonwealth  from  the  truth  of  the 
gospel  of  Jesus  Christ,  and  perverting  the  straight  ways 
of  the  Lord." 

According  to  Clarke's  report.  Governor  Endicott  added, 
in  an  excited  manner :  "  You  have  deserved  death ;  we 
Avill  not  have  such  trash  brought  into  our  jurisdiction. 
You  go  up  and  down,  and  secretly  insinuate  into  those 
that  are  weak ;  but  you  cannot  maintain  it  before  our  min- 
isters. You  may  try  and  dispute  with  them."  Accord- 
ingly, on  the  following  day,  Clarke  wrote  to  the  Court, 
desiring  the  official  appointment  of  the  time  and  i)lace  of 
disputation ;  but  to  this  they  demuiTcd.  After  a  consulta- 
tion on  the  matter,  Clarke  was  again  called  up,  and  ques- 
tioned whether  he  wished  to  dispute  upon  the  specifications 
in  his  sentence,  and  defend  what  he  had  done ;  "  for,"  it 
was  added,  "the  Court  sentenced  you,  not  for  your  judg- 
ment and  conscience,  but  for  matter  of  fact  and  practice." 
Clarke  replied,  that  matter  of  fact  and  practice  was  but 
the  manifestation  of  his  judgment  and  conscience ;  and  he 

10* 


114  NE^y  ENGLAND   THEOCRACY. 

proposed  to  draw  up  a  written  statement  of  the  main 
points  of  his  belief,  which  might  serve  as  a  basis  of  the 
disputation.  He  then  returned  to  prison,  and  thence  sent 
to  the  Court  four  conclusions.  The  first  of  these  was 
directed  against  encroachments  on  the  offices  of  Christ, 
especially  on  his  office  as  king ;  the  second  declared  bap- 
tism by  immersion,  which  was  to  be  administered  to  true 
believers  only,  to  be  a  command  of  Christ ;  the  third  main- 
tained that  each  believer,  after  the  measure  of  his  gifts, 
might,  yea,  was  bound  to  preach  the  word,  both  in  and  out 
of  the  church;  the  fourth  protested  against  all  outward 
penalties  in  matters  of  religion  and  conscience.  He  re- 
ceived, for  answer,  a  dismission  from  prison,  some  of  his 
friends  having  paid  his  fine  without  asking  his  consent. 
He  now  made  known  his  intention  of  leaving  Boston  and 
returning  to  his  family,  but  expressed  his  readiness  and 
desire  to  defend  his  cause  in  the  manner  proposed,  either 
now  or  at  a  later  period.  It  was  replied  that  the  proffers 
made  him  merely  had  reference  to  private  conferences,  for 
his  instruction  and  conviction.  A  willingness  was  ex- 
pressed, however,  to  grant  him  a  public  disputation ;  but 
so  hampered  as  to  the  way  in  which  it  should  be  con- 
ducted, and  with  such  restrictions  in  regard  to  rigid 
adherence  to  the  questions  in  debate,  that  Clarke  felt  him- 
self obliged  to  decline  it.  Crandall  was  likewise  dismissed, 
under  promise  of  appearing  before  the  next  court,  and 
both  returned  to  Rhode  Island.  But  Obadiah  Holmes 
would  neither  pay  his  fine,  nor  allow  others  to  do  it  for 
him,  and  consequently  remained  in  prison  till  the  next  sit- 
ting of  the  Court.  The  threatened  sentence  of  coiporeal 
punishment  was   then   publicly  executed  on   him;^   nay, 

1  The  detailed  account  of  his  sufferings  is  given  in  a  letter  addressed  to 
the  brethren  of  his  own  faith  in  England. 


NEW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY.  115 

even  two  of  the  spectators,  who  praised  God  for  the  con- 
stancy of  his  faith,  were  arrested,  and  only  escaped  similar 
dealing  through  the  payment,  by  friends,  of  forty  shillings 
fine.  Thereupon,  the  adherents  of  these  doctrines  were 
banished  in  a  body  from  Massachusetts,  and  went  to 
llhode  Island. 

In  November,  1G51,  Clarke  accompanied  Williams  to 
England,  for  the  pui*pose  of  settling  certain  disputes 
respecting  the  boundaries  of  Rhode  Island,  and  there  pub- 
lished a  book,  entitled  "  111  News  from  New  England ;  or, 
a  NaiTative  of  New  England's  Persecutions."  "What  im- 
pression these  accounts  made  on  the  English  Congrega- 
tionalists,  may  be  seen  from  the  following  letter,  addressed 
by  Sir  Richard  Saltonstall,  formerly  first  magistrate  of 
Massachusetts,  to  the  Boston  ministers,  Cotton  and  Wil- 
son: 

"Revered  and  dear  friends,  whom  I  unfeignedly  love 
and  respect,  — 

"  It  doth  not  a  little  grieve  my  spirit  to  hear  what  sad 
things  are  reported  daily  of  your  tyranny  and  persecutions 
in  New  England,  as  that  you  fine,  whip,  and  imprison  men 
for  their  consciences.  First,  you  compel  such  to  come 
into  your  assemblies  as  you  know  will  not  join  you  in  your 
worship ;  and  when  they  show  their  dislike  thereofj  or 
M'itness  against  it,  then  you  stir  up  your  magistrates  to 
])unish  them  for  such  (as  you  conceive)  their  public  affronts. 
Truly,  friends,  this  your  practice  of  compelling  any  in 
matters  of  worship,  to  do  that  whereof  they  are  not  fully 
persuaded,  is  to  make  them  sin,  for  so  the  apostle  (Rom. 
14 :  23)  tells  us,  and  many  are  made  hypocrites  thereby, 
conforming  in  their  outward  man  for  fear  of  punishment. 
We  pray  for  you  and  wish  you  prosperity  in  every  way ; 
hoped  the  Lord  would  have  given  you  so  much  light  and 


116  NEW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY. 

love  there,  that  you  might  have  been  eyes  to  God's  people 
here,  and  not  to  practise  those  courses  in  a  wilderness 
which  you  went  so  far  to  prevent.  These  rigid  ways  have 
laid  you  very  low  in  the  hearts  of  the  saints.  I  do  assure 
you  I  have  heard  them  pray  in  the  public  assemblies,  that 
the  Lord  would  give  you  such  meek  and  humble  spirits, 
not  to  strive  so  much  for  uniformity  as  to  keep  the  unity 
of  the  spirit  in  the  bond  of  peace." 

The  reply  of  Cotton  to  this  letter  is  striking  and  charac- 
teristic : 

"  Honored  and  dear  sir,  — 

"My  brother  Wilson  and  self  do  both  of  us  acknow- 
ledge your  love,  as  otherwise  formerly,  so  now  in  the  late 
lines  we  received  from  you,  that  you  grieve  in  spirit  to 
hear  daily  complaints  against  us.  Be  pleased  to  under- 
stand we  look  at  such  complaints  as  altogether  injurious 
in  respect  to  ourselves,  who  had  no  hand  or  tongue  at  all 
to  promote  either  the  coming  of  the  persons  you  aim  at 
into  our  assemblies,  or  their  punishment  for  their  carriage 
there.  Righteous  judgment  will  not  take  up  reports, 
much  less  reproaches  against  the  innocent.  The  cry  of 
the  sinners  of  Sodom  was  great  and  loud,  and  reached  up 
to  heaven ;  yet  the  righteous  God  (giving  us  an  example 
what  to  do  in  like  case),  he  would  first  go  down  to  see 
whether  their  crime  were  altogether  according  to  the  cry, 
before  he  proceed  to  judgment.  And  when  he  did  find 
the  truth  of  the  cry,  he  did  not  wrap  up  all  alike  promis- 
cuously in  the  judgment,  but  spared  such  as  he  found  inno- 
cent. We  are  amongst  those  whom,  if  you  knew  us  better, 
you  would  account  peaceable  in  Israel.  Yet  neither  are 
we  so  vast  in  our  indulgence  or  toleration,  as  to  think  the 
men  you  speak  of  suffered  an  unjust  censure.  For  one  of 
them  (Obadiah  Holmes)  being  an  excommunicate  person 


NEW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY.  117 

liimself,  out  of  a  church  in  Plymouth  Patent,  came  into 
this  jurisdiction,  and  took  upon  him  to  baptize,  which  I 
think  himself  will  not  say  he  was  compelled  here  to  per- 
form. And  he-^vas  not  ignorant  that  the  re-baptizing  of 
an  elder  person,  and  that  by  a  private  person,  and  under 
excommunication,  are  all  of  them  manifest  contestations 
ai^ainst  the  order  and  government  of  our  churches,  estab- 
lished (we  know)  by  God's  law,  and  (he  knoweth)  by  the 
laws  of  the  country.  As  for  his  whipping,  it  was  more 
voluntarily  chosen  by  him  than  inflicted  on  him.  His 
censure  by  the  Court,  was  to  have  paid,  as  I  know,  thirty 
pounds,  or  else  be  whipt ;  in  which  case,  if  his  suffering 
of  stripes  was  any  worship  of  God  at  all,  it  could  be 
accounted  no  better  than  will-worship.  The  other  (Mr. 
Clarke)  was  wiser  in  that  point,  and  his  offence  was  less, 
so  was  his  fine  less,  and  himself  (as  I  hear)  was  contented 
to  have  it  paid  for  him,  whereupon  he  was  released.  The 
imprisonment  of  either  of  them  was  no  detriment.  I 
believe  they  fared,  neither  of  them,  better  at  home,  and  I 
am  sure  Holmes  had  not  been  so  well  clad  of  many  years 
before.  * 

"  But  be  pleased  to  consider  this  point  a  little  further. 
You  think  to  compel  men  in  matter  of  worship  is  to  make 
them  sin.  If  the  worship  be  lawful  in  itself,  the  magis- 
trate compelling  him  to  come  to  it  compelleth  him  not  to 
sin ;  but  the  sin  is  in  his  will  that  needs  to  be  compelled 
to  a  christian  duty.  If  it  do  make  men  hypocrites,  yet 
better  be  hypocrites  than  profane  persons.  Hypocrites  give 
God  part  of  his  due,  the  outward  man ;  but  the  profane 
person  giveth  God  neither  outward  nor  inward  man.  You 
know  us  not  if  you  think  we  came  into  this  wildeniess  to 
practise  those  courses  here  which  we  fled  from  in  England. 
"We  believe  there  is  a  vast  difference  between  men's  inven- 


118  NEW  ENGLAND   THEOCRACY. 

tions  and  God's  institutions ;  we  fled  from  men's  inventions, 
to  which  we  should  else  have  been  compelled  ;  we  compel 
none  to  men's  inventions.  If  ouf  ways  (rigid  ways,  as 
you  call  them)  have  laid  us  low  in  the  hearts  of  God's 
people,  yea,  and  of  the  saints,  (as  you  style  them),  we  do 
not  believe  it  is  any  part  of  their  saintship.  Nevertheless, 
I  tell  you  the  truth,  we  have  tolerated  in  our  churches 
some  Anabaptists,  some  Antinomians,  and  some  Seekers, 
and  do  so  still  at  this  day.  We  are  far  from  arrogating 
infallibility  of  judgment  to  ourselves,  or  affecting  uniform- 
ity ;  uniformity  God  never  required,  infallibility  he  never 
granted  us." 

Into  such  expressions  did  an  unyielding  polemic  zeal  be- 
tray even  such  a  man  as  Cotton ;  a  man  of  whom  Williams, 
though  his  earnest  opponent,  and  exchanging  with  him 
controversial  writings  on  their  respective  princij^les,  has 
sj)oken  with  the  highest  estimation.^  It  is  the  clearest 
exponent  of  that  generally  prevailing  opinion,  which  a  few 
years  later  expressed  itself,  with  reference  to  a  new  form 
of  opposition,  in  measures  of  even  yet  greater  severity. 
It  is  noticeable,  that  Cotton  Mather's  history  of  New 
England,  ordinarily  so  diffuse  in  narrating  the  most  unim- 
portant particulars,  passes  over  the  foregoing  story  in  total 
silence.  The  same,  according  to  Backus,  was  the  case  with 
the  earlier  historians  of  Massachusetts,  with  Captain  John- 
son, who  wrote  in  1654,  and  with  Morton,  in  1669,  although 
his  object  was  the  refutation  of  charges  made  against  New 
England.  Hubbard,  in  1680,  only  makes  a  distant  allusion 
to  it ;  Governor  Hutchinson,  in  his  history  of  Massachu- 
setts, mentions  the  year  1665  as  the  date  of  the  first  perse- 
cution of  the  Anabaptists.  Yet,  in  a  third  volume,  he 
gives,  among  other  legal  documents,  some  which  have  re- 

1  Backus,  I.  p.  472.       2  lb.  11.  p.  253. 


NEW  ENGLAND   THEOCRACY.  119 

ferenco  to  the  occurrences  of  1651.  Neal  alone,  in  his 
history,  has  taken  particular  notice  of  Clarke's  account. 
In  the  following  chapter  we  shall,  moreover,  have  occasion 
to  show  that  hostility  to  Anabaptism  was  not  without  in- 
fluence on  the  decisions  of  the  Congregationalists  in  regard 
to  Infant  Baptism,  when  this  became  from  an  entirely 
different  point  of  view  the  subject  of  discussions  and  pro- 
ceedings. 

PERSECUTION    OF   THE   QUAKERS. 

We  pass  now  to  the  last  persecution  in  New  England, 
properly  so  called,  the  most  violent,  and  the  longest  in 
duration.  But  in  order  to  understand  the  constantly  in- 
creasing severity  of  the  measures  against  the  Quakers,  wo 
must  not  only  give  a  full  exhibition  of  what  occurred  in  New 
England,  but  must  glance  briefly  at  the  origin  and  growth 
of  this  sect  in  the  mother-country.  Just  at  the  period  when 
insurrection  and  civil  war  had  brought  the  political  rela- 
tions of  England  to  the  verge  of  anarchy  and  dissolution, 
George  Fox,  a  Lancashire  shoemaker,  began  to  publish  his 
claim  to  an  inward  revelation,  and  travelled  through  the 
country  to  spread  his  doctrines.  Of  these  the  central 
point  was,  the  inward  enlightening  of  man  by  the  Spirit 
of  God  as  the  proper  source  of  divine  knowledge,  rather 
than  the  Scriptures ;  as  also,  that  our  salvation  is  rather 
through  the  Christ  within^  than  the  Christ  without.  From 
this  followed  a  depreciation  of  the  historical  Christ,  as  well 
as  of  everything  stated  and  prescribed  in  divine  service,  of 
the  sacraments,  of  appointed  times  and  places  for  public 
religious  worship.  With  the  denial  of  the  proper  ground- 
truths  of  Christianity  in  regard  to  the  redemption  of  man, 
connected  itself  a  fanatical  opposition  to  all  civil  order 
and  to  all  prevailing  customs.    The  word  of  Scripture 


120  NEAV   EI^GLAND   THEOCRACY. 

tliey  called  a  dead  letter ;  yet  in  their  own  appeals  to  it, 
they  could  use  the  letter,  that  is,  the  words,  violently 
wrested  from  their  connection.  The  preaching  of  the 
first  Quakers  is  not  indeed  to  be  made  a  reproach  to  the 
later  "  Friends,"  as  remoulded  both  in  respect  to  doctrine 
and  practice  by  Barclay  and  Penn ;  but  in  the  period  with 
which  we  are  concerned,  their  advent  can  only  be  regarded 
as  a  movement  of  wild  fanaticism.^  Some  of  their  number 
appeared  in  parliament,  and  announced  before  the  Protec- 
tor the  downfall  of  the  State,  to  which  they  were  called  by 
the  Spirit  to  contribute.  In  order  to  give  public  offence, 
they  opened  shops  on  Sunday,  and  one  woman  even  a-p- 
peared  in  church  wholly  destitute  of  clothing.  In  the  year 
1565,  they  acknowledged  one  James  Naylor,^  a  former 
soldier  of  Cromwell's  army,  as  the  manifested  Son  of  God. 
Being  called  before  the  court,  he  declared  that  every  honor 
offered  to  him  as  a  created  being,  he  declined ;  but  if  the 
hearts  of  others  were  moved  by  the  Father  thus  to  honor 
him,  it  was  not  in  his  power  to  refuse  it ;  it  had  been  com- 
manded him,  through  the  power  of  the  Lord',  to  allow  this 
homage  to  be  paid  him.  He  was  required  to  recant, 
was  put  in  the  stocks,  placed  backwards  on  a  horse  and 
led  through  London,  his  tongue  was  bored,  his  forehead 

1  The  conflict  of  Roger  Williams  -with  these  people  is  significant  in  re- 
spect to  both  parties.  He  too  maintained,  from  the  word  of  God,  the 
worship  of  that  time  to  be  unchristian,  and  thus  placed  himself  in  opposi- 
tion to  every  existing  church-organization;  and  in  connection  with  this, 
he  advocated  freedom  of  conscience  to  the  extremest  limit.  Yet  he  subse- 
quently took  most  decided  ground  against  the  Quakers,  both  in  oral  dis- 
putations and  in  his  writings  against  George  Fox,  who,  in  1668,  had  vis- 
ited Rhode  Island.  It  is  here  to  be  remarked  that  the  founder  of  a  settle- 
ment and  body  politic  can  be  no  friend  of  disorder  and  contempt  of  civil 
government;  and  also  that  Roger  Williams,  while  separating  from  all 
churches,  held  fast  to  the  fundamentals  of  Christianity,  and  did  not  neg- 
lect to  support  them  by  his  testimony. 

2  Neal's  Histoiy  o^  the  Puritans,  IV.  154. 


NEW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY.  121 

branded,  he  was  whipt  through  Bristol ;  but  nothing 
could  move  him.  lie  was  then  condemned  to  imprison- 
ment with  hard  labor,  being  allowed  nothing  for  his  sus- 
tenance except  what  he  earned  himself.  After  two  years, 
however,  he  acknowledged  that  the  honor  which  had  been 
paid  him  was  wrong  and  sinful,  and  professed  his  shame 
for  having  encouraged  it.  He  was  then  dismissed  from 
prison,  but  died  soon  after. 

The  restless  spirit  of  this  sect  had  already  carried  its 
adherents  to  the  colonies  in  America,  and  it  happened  that 
their  first  appearance  was  in  Rhode  Island,  whence  they 
sought  to  push  their  way  into  the  jurisdiction  of  Ply- 
mouth. At  the  same  time  they  appeared  also  in  Barbadoes 
in  the  "West  Indies;  and  in  1656,  two  women,  Maria 
Fisher  and  Anna  Austin  by  name,  came  in  a  ship  fi-om 
tliis  island  to  Boston,  and  there,  by  books  and  tracts,  dis- 
seminated the  doctrines  of  the  Quakers.  This  coming  to 
liglit,  the  Governor  ordered  their  arrest,  and  also  that  the 
books,  about  one  hundred  in  number,  should  be  burned. 
Then  calling  his  Council,  it  was  resolved  that  the  prisoners 
should  remain  in  confinement  till  a  good  opportunity 
offered  for  sending  them  away ;  and  the  ship-captain  who 
liad  brought  them  was  to  give  bonds  for  their  departure  in 
one  hundred  pounds.  But  before  this  could  be  effected, 
four  men  and  four  women  of  the  same  principles  had  made 
tlieir  way  to  Boston  from  Rhode  Island,  who  as  soon  as 
discovered,  were  put  in  prison,  and  then  sent  out  of  the 
country.  The  government  designed  by  these  measures  to 
keep  the  Quakers  at  a  distance,  and  not  supposing  any  of 
llie  inhabitants  themselves  to  be  infected  with  their  opin- 
ions, believed  that  by  suflicient  rigor  they  could  reach 
their  end.  Accordingly,  on  the  14th  of  October  1656,  they 
passed  a  law  which  was  in  substance  as  follows :  — 

11 


122  NEW   EXGLA>ID    THEOCRACY. 

"Every  master  of  a  vessel  bringing  in  Quakers,  shall 
pay  a  fine  of  one  hundred  pounds.  Every  Quaker,  imme- 
diately on  his  arrival  shall  be  lodged  in  the  House  of  Cor- 
rection, to  be  severely  whipped  on  his  entrance,  and  to  be 
kept  close  at  hard  labor ;  no  one  to  be  allowed  to  speak  or 
hold  any  intercourse  with  him.  "Whoever  knowingly 
brings  in,  spreads,  or  conceals  Quaker  writings  shall  be 
fined  five  pounds.  Whoever  undertakes  to  defend  the 
doctrines  of  the  Quakers,  shall  for  the  first  offence  be  fined 
ten  shillings,  and  for  the  second,  four  pounds ;  for  the 
third,  he  shall  be  committed  to  prison,  till  a  suitable  oppor- 
tunity is  found  of  transporting  him  out  of  the  country, 
which  is  then  to  be  done  forthwith." 

When  this  law  was  proclaimed  with  beat  of  drum 
through  the  streets  of  Boston,  Nicholas  Upshall,  a  man 
some  sixty  years  of  age,  came  forth  from  his  house,  and 
protested  openly  to  the  officers  "  that  the  execution  of  this 
law  would  be  the  forerunner  of  judgments  on  the  land; 
wherefore  he  besought  them  to  beware  what  they  did,  lest 
they  might  be  found  among  those  who  were  fighting 
against  God."  This  was  regarded  as  an  attack  upon  the 
government ;  Upshall  was  called  before  the  court,  and  as 
he  would  neither  acknowledge  his  offence  nor  beg  forgive- 
ness, he  was  fined  twenty  pounds,  and  ordered  to  leave  the 
jurisdiction  within  one  month. 

The  following  year,  the  above-cited  law  was  put  in  prac- 
tice. A  tailor's  wife  named  Maria  Clarke,  who  had  aban- 
doned her  husband  and  six  children  in  London,  in  order, 
as  she  said,  to  deliver  a  message  from  the  Lord,  was  put  in 
prison,  whipped,  and  banished.  The  same  punishment 
was  soon  after  inflicted  upon  two  men,  Holden  and  Cope- 
land,  who  belonged  to  the  Rhode  Island  Quakers,  and  had 
been  already  once  banished.     They  made  their  appearance 


KE>7  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY.  123 

at  Salem,  wlicrc  they  even  took  it  upon  tliemsclvcs  to 
speak  in  a  public  religious  meeting.  It  now  became  evi- 
dent, from  the  numbera  who  frequented  their  meetings, 
that  their  opinions  had  found  favor  among  the  residents. 
These  private  gatherings  were  immediately  interrupted; 
each  person  present  was  fined  five  shillings  for  absenting 
himself  from  public  worship;  every  one  who  Iiad  taken 
part  in  them  was  sent  to  the  House  of  Correction  at  Bos- 
ton. 

But  all  the  attempts  of  the  government  for  the  suppres- 
sion of  this  sect,  were  frustrated  by  the  persistency  of  the 
Quakers  in  returning  from  banishment.  Hence,  in  Octo- 
ber, lGo7,  a  law  was  passed  that:  "whoever  brings  a  Qua- 
ker into  this  jurisdiction  shall  pay  one  hundred  pounds, 
and  be  kept  in  prison  till  the  penalty  is  discharged ;  who- 
ever harbors  or  conceals  a  known  Quaker  shall  pay  forty 
shillings  for  every  hour's  entertainment,  and  remain  in  pri- 
son until  pajTnent  of  the  same.  Every  Quaker,  who  shall 
become  such  in  the  colony,  is  to  be  treated  in  like  manner 
with  those  who  come  in.  For  the  first  and  second  offences, 
when  the  criminal  has  been  punished  according  to  the 
laws  previously  enacted,  if  a  man,  he  shall  lose  first  one, 
and  then  the  other  ear ;  if  a  woman,  she  shall  be  severely 
whipped ;  the  third  time,  man  or  woman,  shall  have  the 
tongue  bored  through  with  a  hot  iron.  In  all  cases,  they 
shall  be  kept  in  prison  till  such  time  as  they  can  be  sent 
away  at  their  own  cost." 

But  neither  had  this  law  the  expected  effect  of  terrifying 
the  Quakers;  for  on  the  16th  of  September  1658,  three 
men,  two  of  whom  were  Holden  and  Coj)cland,  being  iden- 
tified as  having  been  previously  banished,  had  their  right 
ears  cut  off*.  The  same  disturbances  continued.  In  the 
year  1658  two  women  attempted  to  hold  forth  publicly 


124  NEW  ENGLAND    THEOCRACY. 

during  divine  service.  The  same  was  done  by  a  Quaker 
from  Barbadoes,  by  the  name  of  Harris.  When  lodged  in 
prison  and  required  to  labor,  he  could  not  be  induced  by 
any  means  whatever  to  comply,  and  neither  he  nor  his 
friends  would  pay  their  fines,  or  the  costs  of  their  removal 
from  the  country,  when  freedom  was  offered  them  under 
these  conditions.  Their  contumacious  behavior  being 
reported  by  the  jailer  to  the  magistrate,  he  gave  order 
that  such  prisoners  as  would  not  labor  should  be  whipped 
twice  a  w^eek,  the  number  of  strokes  to  be  increased  each 
time.  But  this  treatment  also  was  without  influence  ^n 
Harris,  w^ho  would  probably  have  allowed  himself  to  be 
whipped  to  death,  had  not  some  of  his  acquaintances  paid 
the  fine,  and  thus  procured  his  release.  It  was  customary 
with  the  Quakers,  while  steadfastly  refusing  to  pay  their 
fines,  to  allow  the  penalty  to  be  discharged  for  them.  But 
on  the  inquiry  being  made  by  magistrates  of  smaller 
towns,  w^hat  they  should  do,  in  cases  where  there  were  no 
friends  at  hand  to  give  this  aid,  they  were  empowered  to 
sell  the  ofienders  to  the  English  settlements  in  Virginia 
and  Barbadoes.  This,  however,  only  served  as  a  bugbear, 
and  was  not  carried  into  execution. 

During  this  time,  meetings  were  again  held  here  and 
there  in  the  country,  and,  in  consequence,  the  laws  above 
mentioned  were  put  in  execution  particularly  against  the 
residents,  and  in  some  respects  with  increased  rigor.  Thus 
the  fines  were  made  so  exorbitant,  that  numbers  w^ere 
thereby  reduced  to  poverty.  But  nothing  could  check 
the  continual  return  of  these  desperate  people,  nor  put  a 
stop  to  their  illegal  and  ofiensive  conduct.  At  the  tribu- 
nals, they  derided  and  scofied  at  the  magistrates ;  wo- 
men appeared  naked  in  the  streets,  and  in  one  case,  at 
Newbury,  Massachusetts,  even  in  the  church.     Nor  were 


NEW  ENGLAND   THEOCRACY.  125 

these  disturbances  confined  to  that  colony.  The  matter 
liad  been  already  discussed  in  a  meeting  of  commission- 
t'l-s  from  the  four  united  colonies,  held  in  1656,  and  a 
demand  made  uj)on  Rhode  Island,  in  the  name  of  peace 
and  for  the  welfare  of  the  whole  country,  to  take  part  with 
them  in  some  common  measures  against  the  Quakei-s.  To 
this  the  General  Assembly  which  met  at  Portsmouth  on 
tlie  13th  of  March,  1657,  returned  answer  as  follows  :*  — 

"  Whereas,  freedom  of  different  consciences  to  be  pro- 
tected from  inforcements  was  the  principal  ground  of  our 
Ciiarter,  both  with  respect  to  our  humble  suit  for  it,  as  also 
to  the  true  intent  of  the  honorable  and  renowned  parlia- 
ment in  England,  in  granting  of  the  same  to  us,  which 
freedom  we  still  prize  as  the  greatest  happiness  that  man 
can  possess  in  this  world ;  therefore,  we  shall,  for  the  pre- 
servation of  our  civil  peace  and  order,  the  more  especially 
take  notice  that  those  people,  and  any  others  that  are  here, 
or  shall  come  among  us,  be  impartially  received,  and  to 
our  utmost,  constrained  to  perform  all  civil  duties  requi- 
site. And  in  case  they  refuse  it,  we  resolve  to  make  use 
of  the  first  opportunity  to  infoi-m  our  agent  residing  in 
England."^  On  a  second  demand  from  the  commissioners 
of  the  four  colonies,  they  again  replied,  on  the  13th  of 
October  1657  : —» 

"  As  concerning  these  Quakers  (so  called)  which  are  now 
among  us,  we  have  no  law  among  us  whereby  to  punish 
any  for  only  declaring  by  words,  etc.,  their  minds  and  un- 
derstandings concerning  the  things  and  ways  of  God,  as  to 
salvation  and  an  eternal  condition.     And  we  find,  more- 

1  Backus,  I.,  312. 

2  Clarke,  who  in  1G52  had  gone  with  "Williams  to  England,  remained 
there  after  the  return  of  the  latter,  as  agent  of  the  Rhode  Island  colony, 
till  16,M. 

3  Knowles,  Memoir  of  Williams,  p.  294. 

11* 


126  NEW  ENGLAND   THEOCRACY. 

over,  that  in  those  places  where  these  people,  aforesaid,  in 
the  colony,  are  most  of  all  suffered  to  declare  themselves 
freely,  and  are  only  opposed  by  arguments  in  discourse, 
there  they  least  of  all  desire  to  come  ;  and  we  are  informed 
that  they  begin  to  loathe  this  place,  for  that  they  are  not 
opposed  by  the  civil  authority,  but  with  all  patience  and 
meekness,  are  suffered  to  say  over  their  2>retended  re- 
velations and  admonitions,  nor  are  they  like  or  able  to 
gain  many  here  to  their  way.  And  surely  we  find,  that 
they  delight  to  be  persecuted  by  the  civil  powers,  and 
when  they  are  so,  they  are  like  to  gain  more  by  the  con- 
ceit of  their  jjatient  sufferings,  than  by  consent  to  their 
pernicious  sayings." 

The  Rhode  Island  government  conceded  that  the  doc- 
trines of  the  Quakers  tended  to  the  prejudice  of  the  civil 
authority,  and  promised  to  take  the  matter  into  consider- 
ation at  the  next  General  Assembly,  and  to  adopt  suitable 
measures  for  preventing  any  "  bad  effects  from  their  doc- 
trines and  endeavors."  But,  notwithstanding  the  threat 
of  exclusion  from  all  commercial  intercourse  with  the  rest 
of  New  England,  they  adhered  inflexibly  to  their  former 
policy.  Though  Khode  Island,  with  her  principles  of  tol- 
eration, had  actually  suffered  less  than  the  other  colonies, 
the  latter  had  now  gone  so  far  in  the  path  on  which  they 
had  entered,  that  it  was  difficult  to  turn  back ;  to  them 
it  seemed  impossible  to  stand  still.  As  all  four  colonies 
were  disquieted  by  the  Quakers,  though  Connecticut  and 
New  Haven  suffered  less  than  the  others,  the  commission- 
ers closed  their  proceedings  at  a  conference  held  in  Boston, 
September,  1658,  with  the  following  resolution  :^  — 

"  Whereas,  there  is  an  accursed  and  pernicious  set  of 
heretics  lately  risen  up  in  the  world,  who  are  commonly 

1  Backus,  I,  317. 


NEW  ENGLAND   THEOCRACY.  127 

called  Quakers,  who  take  upon  them  to  be  immediately 
sent  of  God,  and  infallibly  assisted,  who  do  speak  and 
Avrite  blasphemous  things,  despising  government,  and  the 
order  of  God  in  church  and  commonwealth  ;  speaking  evil 
of  dignities,  reproaching  and  reviling  magistrates  and  the 
ministers  of  the  gospel,  seeking  to  turn  the  people  from 
the  faith,  and  to  gain  proselytes  to  their  pernicious  ways : 
And  whereas,  the  several  jurisdictions  have  made  divers 
laws  to  prohibit  their  coming  among  them ;  (but  they  re- 
fusing obedience  and  still  making  disturbance)  it  is  there- 
fore propounded,  and  seriously  commended  to  the  several 
General  Courts  to  make  a  law,  that  all  Quakers  formerly 
convicted  and  punished  as  such,  shall,  if  they  return  again, 
be  imprisoned,  and  forthwith  banished  or  expelled  out  of 
the  said  jurisdiction,  under  pain  of  death."  This  was  signed 
by  seven  of  the  commissioners ;  but  John  Winthrop,  a  son 
of  the  above-named  governor  of  Massachusetts,  and  the 
only  commissioner  from  the  colony  of  Connecticut  added  : 
"  Looking  at  the  last  as  a  query  and  not  as  an  act,  I  sub- 
scribe, John  Winthrop."  Connecticut  and  New  Haven 
failed  to  carry  out  this  resolution  ;  but  in  1658  it  became 
law  in  Massachusetts.  The  government  designed  to  com- 
mit the  application  and  execution  of  this  law  to  the  acting 
magistracy,  and  an  ordinance  to  that  effect  did  in  fact  pass 
the  Court  of  Deputies  by  thirteen  voices  against  twelve ; 
but  when  the  minority  declared  they  would  protest  against 
the  bill,  it  was  agreed  that  the  accused,  in  cases  occurring 
under  this  law,  should  be  brought  before  a  court  specially 
swoi-n  for  the  purpose.  Plymouth  also  persevered  in  per- 
secuting the  Quakers.  Captain  James  Cudworth,  a  magis- 
trate of  that  colony,  thus  laments  over  it  in  a  letter  to  a 
friend  who  was  absent  on  a  journey  to  England :  "I  enter- 
tained  two  Quakers  in   my  house,  in  order  to  become 


128  NEW   ENGLAND   THEOCRACY. 

better  acquainted  with  their  principles ;  for  this  I  was 
called  before  the  court.  My  declaration  that  I  was  no 
Quaker  and  my  behavior  not  unlawful,  since,  according  to 
the  existing  ordinances  only  such  could  be  punished  as  re- 
ceived Quakers  and  kept  them  in  their  houses  after  warn- 
ing by  the  magistrates,  they  indeed  allowed.  But  when  I 
spoke  against  the  persecutions,  they  increased  all  the  laws 
against  Quakers,  imposing  for  each  attempt  of  the  same  to 
teach,  and  for  each  communication  with  them,  the  hardest 
imprisonment  and  most  exorbitant  fines,  and  yet  without 
hindering  or  lessening  the  evil.  In  the  Massachusetts,  after 
they  have  whipped  them  and  cut  off  their  ears,  they  have  now 
gone  the  farthest  step  they  can,  they  have  banished  them, 
upon  pain  of  death  if  they  ever  come  there  again ;  we  expect 
we  must  do  the  like ;  we  must  dance  after  their  pipe,  for  it 
is  well  if  in  some  there  be  not  a  desire  to  be  their  apes  and 
imitators,  in  all  their  proceedings  of  this  nature.  They 
have  banished  six  on  pain  of  death,  and  I  wish  that  blood 
be  not  shed."  The  first  of  these  apprehensions  was  not 
realized ;  the  second  proved  itself  but  too  well  founded, 
as  will  appear  from  the  narration  of  the  last  occurrences  of 
this  persecution  in  Boston. 

Among  the  persons  banished  from  Massachusetts  by  the 
late  statute,  were  William  Robinson,  a  merchant  from  Lon- 
don, Marmaduke  Stevenson,  from  Yorkshire,  and  a  woman 
named  Mary  Dyar,^  from  Rhode  Island.  All  three  re- 
turned, however,  and  when  questioned  as  to  the  reason, 
replied  that  "  they  came  in  obedience  to  the  Lord."  Gov- 
ernor Endicott  said  to  them :  "We  have  made  divers  laws, 
and  sought  manifold  ways  to  keep  you  at  a  distance  from 
us ;  but  I  find  that  neither  whippings,  nor  dungeons,  nor 

1  She  belonged  to  the  Antinomians  who  were  banished  in  1637.  Hutch. 
I.  lai. 


NEW  ENGLAND   THEOCRACY.  129 

cutting  off  ears,  nor  banishment  on  pain  of  death,  helps ; 
I  wish  not  your  death."  No  farther  defence  could  be 
drawn  from  them;  only  Stevenson  declared,  in  writing, 
tliat,  "  in  a  vision,  as  he  was  following  the  plough,  ho 
licard  a  secret  voice  within  him.  Thereupon,  he  had  for- 
saken his  family  and  calling,  and  gone,  in  the  year  1G58,  to 
Barbadoes,  and  thence  to  Rhode  Island,  where,  as  he  was 
tiUing  the  ground,  the  word  of  the  Lord  came  unto  him, 
saying:  *Go  to  Boston,  with  thy  brother,  William  Robin- 
son ; '  for  obedience  to  which,  contrary  to  the  commands 
of  men,  he  now  suffers  bonds  nigh  unto  death."  This 
paper  was  subscribed;  "Prison,  at  Boston,  October,  1659, 
Marmaduke  Stevenson ;  but  a  new  name  has  been  given 
unto  me,  which  the  world  knoweth  not,  and  is  written  in 
the  Book  of  Life." 

All  three  were  thereupon  condemned  to  death.  The 
two  men  were  executed  on  the  27th  of  October,  1659. 
The  woman,  when  at  the  foot  of  the  gallows,  was  par- 
doned, at  the  intercession  of  her  relatives,  from  Newport, 
in  Rhode  Island,  whither  she  was  then  sent.  But  she 
came  back  the  next  spring,  and  suffered  the  penalty  of 
death  on  the  1st  of  June,  1660. 

The  general  surprise  and  indignation,  occasioned  by  this 
first  application  of  the  new  law,  obliged  the  Massachusetts 
government  to  publish  the  following  declaration : 

"Though  the  justice  of  our  proceedings  against  William 
Robinson,  Marmaduke  Stevenson,  and  Mary  Dyar,  sup- 
ported by  the  authority  of  this  Court,  the  laws  of  this 
country,  and  the  laws  of  God,  may  rather  persuade  us  to 
expect  encouragement  and  commendation  from  all  prudent 
and  pious  men,  than  convince  us  of  any  necessity  to  apol- 
ogize for  the  same ;  yet,  forasmuch  as  men  of  weaker  parts, 
out  of  pity  and  commiseration  (a  commendable  and  chris- 


130  NEW   ENGLAND    THEOCRACY. 

tian  virtue,  yet  easily  abused,  and  susceptible  of  sinister 
and  dangerous  impressions),  for  want  of  a  full  information, 
may  be  less  satisfied,  and  men  of  perverser  principles  to 
calumniate  us,  and  render  us  as  bloody  persecutors ;  to  sat- 
isfy the  one,  and  to  stop  the  mouths  of  the  other,  we  have 
thought  fit  to  declare,  that,  about  three  years  since,  divers 
persons,  professing  themselves  Quakers  (of  whose  per- 
nicious opinions  and  practices  we  had  received  intelligence 
from  good  hands),  both  from  Barbadoes  and  England,  ar- 
rived at  Boston,  whose  persons  were  only  secured,  to  be 
sent  away  by  the  first  opportunity,  without  censure  or  pun- 
ishment, although  their  professed  tenets,  turbulent  and 
contemptuous  behavior  to  authority,  would  have  justified 
a  severer  animadversion;  yet  the  prudence  of  this  Court 
was  exercised  only  in  making  provision  to  secure  the  peace 
and  order  here  established,  against  their  attempts,  whose 
design  (we  were  well  assured  by  our  own  experience,  as 
well  as  by  the  examjile  of  their  predecessors  in  Munster), 
was  to  undermine  and  ruin  the  same ;  and,  accordingly,  a 
law  was  made  and  published,  prohibiting  all  masters  of 
ships  to  bring  any  Quaker  into  this  jurisdiction,  and  them- 
selves from  coming  in,  on  penalty  of  the  House  of  Correc- 
tion till  they  could  be  sent  away.  Notwithstanding  which, 
by  a  back  door  they  found  entrance ;  and  the  penalty  in- 
flicted on  them  proving  insufficient  to  restrain  their  impu- 
dent and  insolent  obtrusions,  was  increased,  —  which  also, 
being  too  weak  a  defence  against  their  impetuous  and 
fanatic  fury,  necessitated  us  to  endeavor  our  security ;  and 
upon  serious  consideration,  a  law  was  made  that  such  per- 
sons should  be  banished  on  pain  of  death,  according  to  the 
example  of  England,  in  their  provision  against  the  Jesuits; 
which  sentence  being  regularly  pronounced  at  the  last 
Court  of  Assistants  against  these  parties,  and  they  either 


NEW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY.  131 

returning,  or  continuing  presumptuously  in  this  jurisdiction 
after  the  time  limited,  were  apprehended,  and  owning 
themselves  to  be  the  persons  banished,  were  sentenced  by 
the  Court  to  death,  —  which  liath  been  executed  upon  two 
of  them.  Mary  Dyar,  upon  intercession  of  a  son,  through 
the  grace  and  mildness  of  this  Court,  had  liberty  to  depart 
within  two  days,  and  accepted  of  it.  The  consideration  of 
our  gradual  proceedings,  will  vindicate  us  from  the  clam- 
orous accusation  of  severity.  Our  own  just  and  necessary 
defence  calling  upon  us  (other  means  failing)  to  offer  the 
point,  which  these  persons  have  violently  and  wilfully 
rushed  upon,  and  thereby  become  felones  de  «e,  as  well  as 
the  sparing  of  one  upon  an  inconsidei*able  intercession,  will 
manifestly  evince  we  desire  their  lives  absent,  rather  than 
their  deaths  present." 

The  weakness  of  this  declaration,  both  in  respect  to  the 
relations  of  crime  and  punishment,  and  to  the  appeal  to  a 
law  in  England,  appears  from  the  following  judicial  pro- 
ceeding:  At  the  beginning  of  the  year  1661,  William 
Leddra,  a  Quaker  who  had  been  already  several  times  pun- 
ished and  banished  from  the  commonwealth,  returned  to 
Boston.  Being  seized  and  brought  before  the  Court,  he 
was  asked  by  Governor  Bradstreet  "  whether  he  were  will- 
ing to  go  to  England."  He  answered  that  "  he  had  noth- 
ing to  do  there."  Upon  the  offer  of  being  set  at  liberty, 
if  he  would  promise  not  to  return  again,  he  replied :  "  I 
stand  not  in  my  own  will,  but  the  will  of  the  Lord.  If  I 
am  set  at  liberty,  I  will  go,  but  such  a  promise  I  cannot 
make."  Bradstreet  then  told  him  "  that  if  he  would  neither 
go  to  England,  nor  remain  out  of  the  jurisdiction,  he  would 
fall  imder  the  full  rigor  of  the  law."  Leddra  appealed  to 
the  laws  of  England  in  respect  to  his  judicial  examination, 
but  the  appeal  was  not  allowed.    Much  time  was  spent  in 


132  NEW   ENGLAND    THEOCRACY. 

endeavoring  to  persuade  him  either  to  recant  his  errors,  or 
submit  to  the  laws  of  the  land,  or  to  promise  not  again  to 
return ;  but  he  remained  obstinate.  "  What,"  said  he, 
"join  myself  with  such  murderers  as  ye  are!  Then  let 
each  one  who  meets  me  say :  Lo,  this  is  the  man  who  for- 
sook the  God  of  his  salvation."  Finally,  sentence  of  death 
was  pronounced  upon  him,  and  on  the  14th  of  March,  1661, 
he  was  executed ;  declaring  under  the  gallows  that  it  was 
"  for  confessing  the  Lord,  against  liars  and  deceivers,  that 
he  was  brought  hither  to  death."  While  Leddra  was  still 
under  examination,  another  Quaker,  Wheelock  Christison 
by  name,  came  boldly  before  the  Court  with  his  hat  on  his 
head,  and  warned  the  magistrates  to  shed  no  more  inno- 
cent blood.  He  refused  to  take  off  his  hat,  and  on  being 
questioned  if  his  name  was  not  Christison,  and  whether  he 
had  not  been  banished  on  pain  of  death,  he  replied  to  both 
in  the  affirmative,  and  was  committed  to  prison.  Being 
required  to  state  in  defence  of  himself  any  reasons  why  he 
should  not  suffer  the  penalty  of  the  law,  he  asked  them  by 
what  law  they  would  condemn  him  to  death.  When  the 
Court  appealed  to  the  recent  law  enacted  against  the  Qua- 
kers, he  desired  to  know  how  they  were  empowered  to 
make  such  a  law,  and  whether  the  law  itself  were  not  in 
contrariety  to  the  laws  of  England.  The  Governor  re- 
plied that  there  was  a  similar  law  in  England,  according  to 
which  Jesuits  were  hanged.  "  But,"  said  Christison,  "  ye 
condemn  me,  not  as  a  Jesuit,  but  as  a  Quaker ;  I  appeal  to 
the  laws  of  my  country."  The  Court  offered  him  a  lawful 
trial  by  court  and  jury,  but  he  persisted  in  appealing  to  the 
laws  of  England,  and  repeating  that  he  had  never  heard  or 
read  of  a  law  in  England  for  hanging  Quakers.  The 
Court,  however,  oveiTuled  his  objection,  and  the  jury  de- 
clared him   guilty.     When  the   sentence   of  death  was 


KEW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY.  188 

announced  to  him,  he  urged  upon  them  the  consequences 
of  this  measure  against  the  Quakers.  "  For  the  last  man 
tliat  was  put  to  death,"  said  he,  "here  arc  five  come  in  his 
room;  if  ye  have  power  to  take  my  life  from  me,  God  can 
raise  up  the  same  principle  of  life  in  ten  of  his  servants, 
and  send  them  among  you  in  my  room,  that  ye  may  have 
tonnent  upon  torment." 

The  13th  of  June,  1661,  was  appointed  as  the  day  of  his 
execution ;  but  before  it  arrived,  Christison,  with  twenty- 
seven  other  Quakers  then  lying  in  prison,  was  set  at  liberty 
and  carried  beyond  the  limits  of  the  jurisdiction.  The 
government  seems  to  have  become  convinced,  by  this  time, 
that  their  measures  were  as  odious  as  they  were  ineffec- 
tual ;  they  resolved  to  deal  with  the  Quakers  henceforth  as 
vagabonds,  to  whip  them  through  the  towns  of  the  colony, 
and  then  drive  them  out  of  its  bounds.  The  above-men- 
tioned executions  occasioned  great  dissatisfaction  in  Eng- 
land ;  and  Charles  II.,  who  had  recently  acceded  to  the 
throne,  interposed  his  authority  by  a  letter,  dated  the  9th 
of  September,  1661,  to  the  Governors  and  Magistrates  of 
New  England  collectively :  "  Having  received  information 
of  the  imprisonment  and  execution  of  Quakers,  his  majesty 
hereby  commands,  as  well  in  respect  to  any  who  may  be 
already  condemned  as  to  those  still  in  prison,  that  all  pro- 
ceedings with  them  be  stopped,  and  that  the  above-named 
persons  be  sent,  together  with  the  accusations  made 
against  them,  to  England,  in  order  there  to  receive  their 
sentence."  The  general  cessation  of  persecution,  properly 
so  called,  forestalled  the  execution  of  this  order ;  but  the 
government,  in  its  congratulatory  address  to  Charles  II., 
justified  the  measures  which  had  been  adopted.  In  our 
judgment  of  these  occurrences,  in  addition  to  all  which 
may  be  said  with  truth  against  the  Quakers,  we  must  bear 

12 


134  NEW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY. 

in  mind  the  utter  perplexity  of  the  government  in  regard 
to  means  for  protecting  themselves  against  these  obstinate 
and  impracticable  fanatics. 

We  shall  have  occasion  further  on  (Chap.  VII.),  to  men- 
tion the  subsequent  persecutions  and  oppressive  measures 
of  the  government  against  the  Anabaptists.  First,  how- 
ever, after  having  thus  exhibited  the  secessions  and  expul- 
sions from  the  theocratic  government,  we  must  consider 
the  opposition  developed  in  its  own  bosom,  which  led  the 
way  to  an  essential  change  of  its  constitution. 


CHAPTER  V. 

SUPPRESSION  OF  THE  INTERNAL,  OPPOSITION  TO  THE  THEOCRATIC 
GOVERNMENT  J  SUSTAINED  BY  THE  SYNOD  OF  1648. 

CHANGE    IN  THE  ORIGINAL  IDEAS,  RESULTING    FROM    LATER   IHMIORA- 
TIONS;    GOVERNMENTAL  MEASURES  FOR  COUNTERACTING  IT. 

Two  things  in  the  founders  of  New  England  particularly 
strike  the  observer;  their  devotion  to  the  common  weal 
as  citizens,  and  to  the  interests  of  the  church  as  Christians. 
They  regarded  themselves,  not  as  individual  fugitives  from 
oppression  and  persecution,  but  rather  as  confederates  in  a 
political  association  and  members  of  a  religious  commun- 
ity. In  both  respects  they  were  favored  with  the  guid- 
ance of  men  equally  upright  and  gifted,  by  whose  influence 
this  feeling,  alike  of  their  political  and  their  ecclesiastical 
responsibilities,  was  maintained  and  developed  in  living 
power.  This  twofold  relation  had  given  birth  to  the  The- 
ocratic constitution.  In  exhibiting  the  characteristics  of  this 
constitution,  we  have  already  made  use  of  the  decisions  of 
:i  synod  held  in  1648,  as  the  clearest  manifestation  of  the 
j^eculiarity  of  the  civil  government.  But  it  is  evident,  not 
only  from  expressions  in  contemporary  correspondence,  but 
from  the  laws  of  Massachusetts,  that  this  same  view  had 
prevailed  universally  from  the  very  first.  Indeed,  we  find 
it  acted  on,  so  early  as  the  first  controversy  with  Roger 
Williams. 

Another  point  in  this  platform  of  church-discipline,  the 


136  NEW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY. 

question  respecting  church-membership,  must  now  be  par- 
ticularly considered;  as  the  decision  in  regard  to  it  was 
expressly  intended  to  counteract  an  attempt,  peculiar  in  its 
character,  to  subvert  the  theocratic  relation. 

As  every  theocracy  is  exposed  to  the  resistance  of  cer- 
tain members  of  its  connection,  so  was  it  the  case  here. 
But  we  must  not  lose  sight  of  the  fact,  that  the  character- 
istic feature  of  the  New  England  Theocracy,  by  which  it 
was  distinguished  from  every  other,  formed  also  the  fun- 
damental principle  of  the  Congregationalists,'  and  was 
regarded  by  them  as  a  necessary  step  in  the  progress  of 
the  reformation.  The  requirement,  that  only  such  shall  be 
admitted  to  the  visible  church  as  are  members  of  that 
which  is  invisible,  can  be  carried  out  in  its  full  strictness 
no  where  on  earth.  But  if,  in  addition,  only  these  same 
church-members  are  allowed  the  enjoyment  of  civil  rights, 
it  can  be  maintained  no  longer  than  a  controlling  religious 
interest  in  the  church-relation  continues  to  penetrate  all 
the  individuals  of  the  community.  As  we  have  already 
seen,  the  members  of  the  Leyden  church  and  the  first  set- 
tlers of  Massachusetts  Bay  felt  themselves  called  to  such 
an  attempt,  and  they  were  men  fitted  to  accomplish  it. 
But  the  subsequent  immigrations  from  England  did  not 
originate  solely  in  devotion  to  religious  interests;  nay, 
even  in  the  second  generation  in  America,  the  view  had 
begun  to  lose  ground,  that  connection  with  the  church  was 
man's  first  and  only  necessity.  It  was  inevitable,  there-* 
fore,  that  from  that  class  of  persons  who  could  not  claim 
to  be  church-members,  must  proceed  a  reaction,  founded 
on  the  natural  and  necessary  desire  to  be  citizens  of  the 
State  in  which  they  lived. 

But  besides  this  anti-theocratic  party,  properly  so  called, 
another,  an  anti-Congregationalist'  party,  might   espouse 


NEW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY.  137 

niid  cloforKl  the  opposition,  on  other  grounds.  It  could 
not  but  Iwppen,  in  a  social  state  so  decidedly  Christian, 
tliat  the  wish  should  be  felt  by  many,  even  among  those 
who  had  little  personal  interest  in  religion,  to  hold  a  cer- 
tain connection  with  the  church,  whose  requisitions  for 
actual  membership  they  were,  nevertheless,  unable  or 
unwilling  to  meet.  So  also,  the  desire  must  be  felt, 
among  those  who  were  not  church-members,  that  their 
cliildren  should  be  admitted  to  the  privilege  of  baptism; 
while,  on  the  other  hand,  the  church  might  well  refuse  the 
rite,  as  being  unable  to  regard  those  as  future  members, 
who  were  to  be  trained  under  the  influence  of  persons 
themselves  standing  aloof  from  her.  This  question :  '  Who 
are  the  proper  subjects  of  baptism?*  we  shall  see  more 
particularly  discussed  at  a  later  period.  It  was  the  answer 
to  this  question  which  caused  the  subversion  of  the  orig- 
inal connection  between  church  and  state. 

Before  depicting  the  assault  made  on  the  theocracy  from 
the  political  side,  we  will  here  mention  a  single  instance 
of  opposition,  which,  though  without  Results,  is  of  a  note- 
worthy character.  In  1G37,  a  minister  at  Weymouth, 
Massachusetts,  by  the  name  of  Lenthal,  broached  the  doc- 
trine that  baptism  constitutes  the  door  of  entrance  to  the 
visible  church.  Hubbard  reports  *  that  this  view  was  im- 
mediately embraced  by  several  others,  and  the  plan  was  in 
agitation  of  forming  a  church,  into  which  all  baptized  per- 
sons were  to  be  admitted  to  communion,  without  any  addi- 
tional test.  But  when  Lenthal  was  applied  to  for  farther 
counsel  in  the  matter,  it  was  found  that  he  had  been  con- 

1  According  to  Backus,  I.,  114.  Here  it  is  also  remarked  that  Lenthal 
went  in  1010  to  Rhode  Island,  and  from  thence  soon  after  to  England. 
His  views  were  in  direct  contrariety  also  with  those  of  most  of  the  North 
American  church  parties  of  the  time. 

12* 


138  NEW   ENGLAND   THEOCRACY. 

ferred  with  by  several  magistrates  and  ministers,  and  had 
retracted  his  oi^inions.  Having  read  his  recantation^  pub- 
licly before  his  congregation,  he  was  exempted  from  fur- 
ther censure.  This  doctrine  was  in  too  decided  contra- 
riety to  the  prevailing  view  to  have  spread  extensively, 
although  strictly  speaking,  it  was  not  directed  against  the 
theocracy  as  such. 

How  thoroughly  the  ruling  powers  were  impressed  with 
the  idea,  that  church  and  state  must  constitute  an  undi- 
vided unity,  appears  from  the  two  following  laws  passed  in 
Boston,  Sept.  1638 :  1.  "Whereas  it  is  found  by  sad  expe- 
rience, that  divers  persons,  who  have  been  justly  cast  out 
of  some  of  the  churches,  do  profanely  contemn  the  same 
sacred  and  dreadful  ordinance,  by  presenting  themselves 
over-boldly  in  other  assemblies,  and  speaking  lightly  of 
their  censures,  to  the  great  offence  and  grief  of  God's  peo- 
ple, and  encouragement  of  evil-minded  persons  to  contemn 
the  same  ordinance ;  it  is  therefore  ordered,  that  whoso- 
ever shall  stand  excommunicated  for  the  space  of  six 
months,  without  laboring  what  in  him  or  her  lieth  to  be 
restored,  such  person  shall  be  presented  to  the  Court  of 
Assistants,  and  there  proceeded  with  by  fine,  imprison- 
ment, banishment,  or  further,  for  their  good  behavior,  as 
their  contempt  and  obstinacy  upon  full  .hearing  shall  de- 
serve." This  law  was  indeed  soon  after  abrogated.  Not 
so  the  second,  which  long  survived  the  real  dissolution  of 
the  theocracy,  and  formed,  in  subsequent  times,  the  chief 
occasion  for  the  renewal  of  internal  divisions.  By  this 
statute,  all  the  inhabitants  of  a  town,  whether  freemen  or 
members  of  the  church  or  not,  were  required  to  contribute 
equally  to  all  necessary  expenditures  for  church  and  state. 

In  close  connection  with  the  passage  of  this  latter  Act, 

1  So  related  in  Neal's  History  of  New  England,  I.,  p.  196. 


NEW   ENGLAND   THEOCRACY.  139 

Stands  a  movement  which  threatened  the  overthrow  of  the 
theocratic  relation,  but  became  the  occasion  of  its  formal 
and  explicit  confirmation.  In  the  colony  of  Plymouth 
:.lso,  as  well  as  in  Massachusetts,  there  had  been  always 
)ine,  though  not  a  large  number,  who  took  exceptions  to 
the  theocratic  relation  on  the  above-mentioned  grounds; 
and  the  disaffected  of  the  two  colonies  were  in  understand- 
ing with  each  other.*  Individual  complaints  had  already 
become  loud,  when,  in  1646,  the  matter  came  before  the 
notice  of  the  General  Court  at  Boston.  A  petition  wns 
«ont  in  by  certain  inhabitants  of  Hingham,  in  3Iassachu- 
-etts,  near  the  borders  of  New  Plymouth,^  which,  after 
some  preliminary  compliments,  in  general  terms,  on  the 
administration  of  the  government,  proceeded  to  designate 
the  present  condition  of  affairs  as  one  of  manifold  griev- 
ances, alleging  three  specific  causes  for  the  same,  and  pray- 
ing for  the  repeal  and  change  of  the  following  relations 
and  ordinances.  First,  there  exists  great  uncertainty  in 
all  respects,  arising  from  neglect  to  recognize  the  law  s  of 
England  as  the  basis  of  government,  or  to  act  on  them  ?.s 
such ;  hence  a  want  of  that  security  and  confidence  in  the 
enjoyment  of  life,  freedom,  and  property,  which  is  the  right 
of  every  free-bom  Englishman,  and  a  constant  apprehen- 
sion of  illegal  burdens  and  unjust  punishments.  Second, 
there  are  in  these  settlements  many  thousands  of  free- 
bom,  quiet,  peaceable  Englishmen,  who  though  upright  in 
their  dealings,  and  disposed  to  promote  the  ])ublic  weal, 
see  themselves  debarred  from  all  civil  employments ;  nay, 
are  not  permitted  to  occupy  the  lowest  office,  nor  to  have 
a  voice  in  the  election  of  magistrates,  of  captains,  or  other 

1  Hutchinson,  I.,  13o. 

2  Collection  of  original  papers  relative  to  the  History  of  Mass.  Bay, 
Boston.  1709,  p.  188  ff. 


140  NEW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY. 

civil  and  military  functionaries.  The  petitioners  pray,  there- 
fore, tliat  civil  freedom  and  civil  right  be  granted  to  *  all 
truly  English,'  without  the  imposition  of  any  oath  or  cove- 
nant, which  does  not  appear  to  accord  with  the  Patent  and 
the  original  oath. of  allegiance;  such  oath  and  covenant 
they  were  ready  to  assume,  as  should  express  their  desire 
for  the  furtherance  of  the  honor  of  God  and  the  prosperity 
of  the  settlement,  their  loyalty  to  England,  their  love  to 
their  country.  In  the  ordinances  referred  to,  they  foresee 
disruption  from  England;  and  they  pray,  in  case  their 
petition  is  rejected,  that  they  may  be  regarded  as  foreign- 
ers, and  be  exempted  from  all  charges.  Third,  there  are 
divers  good  people,  rich  in  knowledge  and  no  way  blam- 
able  in  life  and  conversation,  who  as  members  of  the 
church  of  England  are  in  agreement  with  the  last  and  best 
reformation  in  England  and  Scotland,  but  are  yet  excluded 
from  the  Supper  on  the  j^retence  that  they  do  not  assent 
to  the  church-covenant,  for  which  they  see  no  foundation 
in  the  word  of  God,  and  moreover,  this  very  covenant  dif- 
fers in  different  churches.  Not  only  so,  but  they  are  con- 
strained by  penalties  to  attend  public  worship ;  and  par- 
ticular pains  are  used  that  they  shall  be  present  at  times 
when  baptism  is  administered,  although  their  own  children 
cannot  be  baptized.  In  some  places  they  are  obliged  to 
contribute  to  the  maintenance  of  the  minister,  in  order  to 
be  regarded  as  brethren.  With  a  brief  reference  to  the 
necessary  tendency  of  such  a  course  to  promote  Anabap- 
tism,  they  pray,  therefore,  to  be  received  into  the  churches, 
and  allowed  a  participation  in  all  the  privileges  and  ordi- 
nances which  Christ  has  purchased  for  them  and  in  whose 
name  they  have  been  baptized,  that  the  Lord  may  be  one 
and  his  name  one  in  this  place,  and  that  so  the  seals  of  the 
covenant  (the  sacraments)  may  be  enjoyed  by  them  and 


NEW  ENQLAND  TUEOCRACY.  141 

• 
tlicir  posterity.  If  this  may  not  be,  they  request  permis- 
sion to  form  churclies  after  their  own  manner.  They  con- 
chule  Avith  the  remark,  that  if  repulsed  liere,  they  shall  feel 
themselves  constrainetl  to  apply  to  the  honorable  Houses 
of  Parliament,  who  will,  without  doubt,  take  their  unhappy 
state  into  consideration. 

Among  the  seven  petitioners,  one  possessed  the  rights 
of  a  free  citizen  without  being  a  church-member,  having 
become  a  freeman  previous  to  the  law  before  cited  ;^  but 
the  remainder  seem  to  have  been  by  no  means  the  only 
ones  in  the  colony,  who  were  opposed  to  the  established 
relations.  This  is  clear  from  the  popular  excitement 
which,  after  this  matter  was  decided,  manifested  itself  in 
Boston  against  Governor  John  Winthrop,  the  most  power- 
f  al  and  distinguished  defender  of  the  existing  constitution. 
A  letter  addressed  to  him  by  a  magistrate  in  Ipswich,* 
proves  by  its  lamentations  over  the  disorders  thus  occa- 
sioned, that  the  number  of  the  malcontents  was  not  small. 

A  preponderating  majority  of  the  government,  as  well  as 
among  the  citizens  generally,  were  decidedly  averse  to  the 
principles  set  forth  in  this  petition,  and  were  indignant  at 
its  charges,  for  which  it  was  believed  no  occasion  had  been 
given.  AVe  recognize  the  simplicity  of  the  time  in  the  cir- 
cumstance, that  the  General  Court  felt  itself  called  on  to 
refute  the  petitioners  and  justify  their  own  conduct  by  a 
lengthy  public  explanation.  This  document*  gives  a 
reflection  at  once  of  the  prevailing  views  of  the  period, 
and  of  its  peculiar  style  of  argumentation.  It  begins  with 
a  reference  to  the  complimentary  expressions  of  the  peti- 
tioners, which  however,  are  declined,  as  being  shown  by 
what  follows  to  be  merely  an  unworthy  captatio  henevo- 
lentiae.    Thus  in  regard  to  the  first  point,  the  laws  of 

1  See  p.  68.       »  Ck)llection  of  orig.  papers,  p.  218.       «  lb;  p.  196,  ff. 


142  NEW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY. 

England  are  held  up  in  opposition  to  the  ordinances  pre- 
vailing here,  especially  in  relation  to  the  declaration  of 
personal  freedom.  A  verbal  agreement  in  this  respect 
is  out  of  the  question;  but  the  legislators  of  New  England 
were  firmly  persuaded  that  they  had  met  the  spirit  of  the 
English  constitution  in  their  enactments,  and  their  addi- 
tional enactments  in  reference  to  ecclesiastical  relations 
they  regarded  as  resulting  necessarily  from  their  religious 
principles.  They  claim  it  as  their  due,  that  the  manifold 
misfortunes  of  the  last  year  may  not  be  laid  to  their 
charge;  and  while  acknowledging  that  grievances  may 
still  exist,  remind  their  readers  that  as  Rome  was  not  built 
in  a  day,  it  would  not  be  strange  if  within  sixteen  years 
from  the  foundation  of  the  colony,  much  yet  remained  to 
be  done.  The  objections  of  the  petitioners,  they  say,  are 
stated  in  terms  so  general  that  a  proper  refutation  of  them 
becomes  impossible.  The  demand  for  universal  right  of 
suffrage,  the  government  regards  as  an  attempt  to  gain 
favor  with  the  populace,  and  directs  attention  to  the  fact, 
that  it  lies  with  the  petitioners  themselves  whether  they 
shall  be  furnished  with  the  requisite  qualifications.  The 
third  point  is  most  largely  discussed.  In  accordance  with 
the  ijrevailing  view  of  the  time,  it  is  assumed  that  by 
answering  complaints  in  reference  to  the  terms  of  church- 
membership,  all  objections  in  reference  to  the  denial  of 
l^olitical  rights  are  also  disposed  of  The  alleged  title  of 
many  to  the  privileges  of  the  church,  is  rebutted  by  the 
assertion  that  "  some  are  hypocritical  in  their  walk,  others 
are  notoriously  corrupt  in  their  opinions,  other  still,  grossly 
ignorant  of  the  fundamental  doctrines  of  religion,  and  that, 
fourthly,  if  some  did  possess  such  knowledge  and  such 
gifts,  they  did  not  make  the  same  known  by  a  public  pro- 
fession before  the  church  or  elders,  and  consequently,  their 


NEW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY.  148 

qualifications  were  unknown.  "Our  churches,"  it  pro- 
ceeds, **  cannot  blindly  or  upon  the  testimony  of  others, 
receive  persons  who  refuse  to  give  that  account  of  their 
faith  or  repentance,  which  is  so  expressly  required.  1  Pet. 
3 :  15.  Matt.  3 :  6.  Acts  8 :  37.  Matt.  16 :  16-18." 

But  it  was  not  the  manner  of  the  leaders  of  New  Eng- 
land to  stop  with  such  a  vindication,  and  the  petitioners  were 
summoned  before  the  Court.  When  they  appealed  to  the 
right  of  petition,  it  was  answered  that  they  were  not  com- 
plained of  for  having  presented  a  petition,  but  on  account 
of  their  contemptuous  and  seditious  expressions ;  and  secu- 
rity was  demanded  for  their  good  behavior.  But  while 
under  indictment  for  a  criminal  offence,  pardon  was  offered 
them  if  they  would  make  full  and  frank  confession  of  their 
fault.  Declining  to  do  this,  they  were  fined,  some  in 
smaller,  some  in  larger  sums.  Their  appeal  to  the  commis- 
sion, appointed  by  the  English  government  for  all  colonics, 
was  not  admitted.  A  ntimber  of  them  then  resolved  to 
carry  their  complaints  to  England ;  but  their  papers  were 
seized  by  the  government.  Among  them  was  a  memoran- 
dum which  contained,  besides  a  complaint  in  reference  to  the 
late  proceeding,  a  recapitulation  of  the  points  above  men- 
tioned ;  nay,  they  had  gone  so  far  as  to  propose  changes  in- 
volving the  entire  subversion  of  the  present  form  of  gov- 
ernment. The  supreme  power  of  the  General  Court  at  Bos- 
ton was  represented  as  unauthorized,  since  even  the  charter 
of  Massachusetts  had  not  been  confirmed  by  Parliament ; 
and  it  was  therefore  requested  that  a  Governor  might  be 
appointed  from  England.  A  copy  of  this  memorandum, 
subscribed  by  some  twenty-five  non-freemen  (such  is  the 
term  they  use),  in  behalf  of  themselves  and  many  thou- 
sands, found  its  way  to  London.  But  the  Massachusetts 
agent  there  resident  was  provided  from  Boston  with  argu- 


144  NEW  ENGLAND   THEOCRACY. 

ments  to  meet  it;  and  his  skilful  management,  together 
with  his  influence  with  many  members  of  parliament  and 
other  distinguished  men,  prevented  all  prejudicial  conse- 
quences to  the  colony.  The  public  mind  was,  moreover, 
too  much  occupied  with  the  popular  disturbances  in  Eng- 
land itself  to  bestow  much  attention  on  these  petitioners. 

But  in  Boston  these  proceedings  were  met  by  the  loud 
expression  of  dissatisfaction,  even  among  the  members  of 
the  government ;  and  this  directed  itself  against  a  man  so 
generally  esteemed  and  honored  as  Winthrop,  who  was  that 
year  deputy-governor.  In  open  assembly,  he  was  charged 
with  an  attempt  upon  the  liberties  of  the  people,  and  was 
required,  against  all  order,  to  exonerate  himself  by  an  ex- 
planation on  the  spot.  Winthrop  yielded  to  the  demand, 
after  having  showed  them  that  he  might  properly  have 
refused.  The  result  of  his  vindication  was  his  public  acquit- 
tal. ^  On  resuming  his  seat  as  deputy-governor,  Winthrop 
felt  himself  called  on  to  make  the  following  address : 

"  I  shall  not  now  speak  anything  about  the  past  proceed- 
ings of  this  Court,  or  the  persons  therein  concerned,  only  I 
bless  God  that  I  see  an  issue  of  this  troublesome  affair.  I 
am  well  satisfied  that  I  was  publicly  accused,  and  that  I 
am  now  publicly  acquitted.  But  though  I  am  justified  be- 
fore man,  yet  it  may  be  the  Lord  hath  seen  so  much  amiss 
in  my  administrations,  as  calls  me  to  be  humbled;  and, 
indeed,  for  me  to  have  been  thus  charged  by  men,  is  of 
itself  a  matter  of  humiliation,  whereof  I  desire  to  make  a 
right  use  before  the  Lord.  If  Miriam's  father  spit  in  her 
fece,  she  is  to  be  ashamed.  But  give  me  leave  before  you 
go,  to  say  something  that  may  rectify  the  opinions  of  many 

1  "  Notwithstanding,  the  touchy  jealousy  of  the  people  about  their  liber- 
ties lay  at  the  bottom  of  this  prosecution,"  says  Mather,  Magn.  Book  II. 

Ch.  rv.  ^  9. 


NEW  ENGLAND   THEOCRACY.  145 

people  from  whence  the  distempers  have  arisen,  that  have 
lately  prevailed  upon  the  body  of  this  people.  It  is  you 
who  have  called  us  unto  this  office ;  but,  being  thus  called, 
we  have  our  authority  from  God;  it  is  the  ordinance  of 
God,  and  it  hath  the  image  of  God  stamped  upon  it ;  and 
the  contempt  of  it  has  been  vindicated  by  God  with  terrible 
examples  of  liis  vengeance.  I  entreat  you  to  consider,  that 
when  you  choose  magistrates,  you  take  them  from  among 
yourselves,  men  subject  unto  like  passions  with  yourselves. 
If  ye  see  our  infirmities,  reflect  upon  your  own,  and  you 
will  not  be  so  severe  censurers  of  ours.  We  count  him  a 
good  servant  who  breaks  not  his  covenant;  the  covenant 
between  us  and  you  is  the  oath  you  have  taken  of  us,  which 
is  to  this  purpose,  that  we  shall  govern  you  and  judge  your 
causes  according  to  God's  laws  and  our  own,  according  to 
our  best  skill.  As  for  our  skill,  you  must  run  the  hazard 
of  it ;  and  if  there  be  an  error,  not  in  the  will  but  only  in 
the  skill,  it  becomes  you  to  bear  it.  Nor  would  I  have  you 
to  mistake  in  the  point  of  your  own  liberty.  There  is  a 
liberty  of  corrupt  nature  which  is  aifected  both  by  men  and 
boasts,  to  do  what  they  list ;  and  this  liberty  is  inconsistent 
with  authority,  impatient  of  all  restraint ;  by  this  liberty 
sumus  omnes  deteriores  ;  H  is  the  grand  enemy  of  truth  and 
peace,  and  all  the  ordinances  of  God  are  bent  against  it. 
But  there  is  a  civil,  ^a  moral,  a  federal  liberty,  which  is  the 
proper  end  and  object  of  authority ;  it  is  a  liberty  for  that 
only  which  is  just  and  good ;  for  this  liberty  you  are  to 
stand  w^ith  the  hazard  of  your  very  lives,  and  whatsoever 
crosses  it  is  not  authority,  but  a  distemper  thereof.  This 
liberty  is  maintained  in  the  way  of  subjection  to  authority ; 
and  the  authority  set  over  you  will,  in  all  administrations 
for  your  good,  be  quietly  submitted  unto  by  all  but  such  as 
have  a  disposition  to  shake  off  the  yoke,  and  lose  their  true 
13 


146  NEW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY. 

liberty  by  their  murmuring  at  the  honor  and  power  of  au- 
thority." From  this  time  to  his  death  in  1647,  Winthrop 
was  yearly  chosen  governor. 

SYNOB  CALLED,  MAT  1646. 

These  agitations  now  called  forth  decisions  on  the  part  of 
the  church,  sustaining  the  prevailing  views.  Reference  has 
already  been  made  to  an  act  passed  by  the  Court  in  March, 
1635,  "entreating  the  brethren  and  elders  of  every  church 
within  this  jurisdiction,  that  they  w^ill  consult  and  advise 
of  one  uniform  order  of  discipline  in  the  churches,  agreea- 
ble to  the  Scriptures,  and  then  to  consider  how  far  the  mag- 
istrates are  bound  to  interpose  for  the  preservation  of  that 
uniformity  and  the  peace  of  the  churches."  This  measure 
has  a  manifest  connection  with  the  controversies  occasioned 
by  Roger  Williams,^  which,  however,  had  been  allayed 
without  farther  intervention  on  the  j^art  of  the  churches.  It 
is  not  unlikely,  indeed,  that  an  avowed  movement  towards 
the  establishment  of  a  uniformity  may  have  been  met  with 
disfavor ;  at  all  events,  the  act  did  not  then  go  into  effect. 
Much  as  it  might  be  for  the  interests  of  the  church,  as  con- 
nected with  the  existing  theocracy,  the  interference  of  the 
civil  magistrate  in  her  internal  affairs  was  never  welcome, 
even  with  the  prospect  of  her  own  increase  in  distinction 
and  power.  The  same  spirit  now  manifested  itself  in  1646. 
When  the  government,  on  occasion  of  the  disturbances 
caused  by  the  above-mentioned  petition,  issued  an  order  for 
a  synod,  some  of  the  deputies  objected,  on  the  ground  that 
to  concede  such  a  power  to  the  magistracy  might  be  open- 
ing the  way  for  them  at  any  time  to  establish  new  ordinan- 
ces respecting  ecclesiastical  matters,  an  office  for  which  the 
civil  government  was  not  appointed  by  Christ,  and  thus 

1  See  Knowles  Memoir  of  Roger  Williams  p.  70;  and  the  present  work  p. 
92. 


NEW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY.  147 

might  be  imposed  on  the  church  a  uniformity  in  things 
which  Christ  has  left  undetermined.  After  a  debate  on  this 
exception,  the  Court  agreed  to  convene  the  Synod,  *by  way 
of  a  motion  merely,'  and  not  in  the  form  of  an  order.  This 
motion,  May  15,  1646,  began  with  these  words : 

"  The  right  form  of  church  government  and  discipline 
being  agreed  part  of  the  kingdom  of  Christ  on  earth, 
therefore  the  establishmg  and  settling  thereof  by  the  joint 
ud  public  agreement  and  consent  of  churches,  and  by  the 
sanction  of  civil  authority,  must  needs  greatly  conduce  to 
the  honor  and  glory  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  and  to  the 
settling  and  safety  of  church  and  commonwealth,  where 
such  a  duty  is  diligently  attended  and  performed."  For 
want  of  such  a  form,  —  thus  it  proceeds  —  great  differences 
in  opinion  and  in  practice  appear  in  the  churches,  and 
still  greater  are  to  be  expected ;  and  that  not  merely  in 
respect  to  unimportant  matters,  but  in  points  of  weightiest 
moment  and  grave  significance ;  as,  preeminently,  in  the 
question  respecting  admission  to  the  ordinance  of  bap- 
tism. Some  baptized  those  whose  grandparents  were 
actual  membei*s  of  the  church,  though  the  immediate 
parents  were  not  so ;  or  held  the  opinion  that  under  cer- 
tain terms  and  conditions  the  children  of  those  might  be 
baptized,  who  had  indeed  been  members  of  a  congregation 
in  England,  but  here  were  not  found  qualified  for  partici- 
pation in  the  Lord's  Supper.  On  the  other  side,  it  was 
maintained  by  some  that  whatever  might  be  the  state  of 
the  parents,  baptism  ought  not  to  be  dispensed  to  any 
infants  whatever.  The  Synod  was  therefore  called  upon 
to  "  discuss,  dispute,  and  clear  up  by  the  word  of  God,  such 
questions  of  church  government  and  discipline,  in  the 
things  aforementioned,  or  any  other  as  they  shall  think 
needful  and  meet,  and  to  continue  bo  doing,  till  they,  or 


148          NEW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY.  :] 

i 

the  major  part  of  them,  shall  have  agreed  upon  one  form  ] 

of  government  and  discipline,  for  the  main  and  substantial  \ 

parts  thereof,  as  that  which  they  judge  agreeable  to  the  i 

Holy  Scriptures."     At  the  conclusion  of  such  conference,  j 

the  result  was  to  be  laid  before  the  General  Court,  in  order  ■ 

to  receive  from  it,  as  agreeable  to  the  word  of  God,  such  j 

approval  as  is  meet :  "  that  the  Lord  being  thus  acknowl-  \ 

edged  by  church  and  state,  to  be  our  judge,  our  lawgiver  j 

and  king,  he  may  be  graciously  pleased  still  to  save  us,  as  | 

hitherto  he  has  done."  \ 

The  same  call  was  sent  to  the  churches  in  the  other  \ 

colonies,  and  was  there  followed  by  the  same  result.     One  ] 

of  the  three  ministers  who  afterwards  drew  up  for  the  j 

Synod  the  model  of  church  government  as  the  basis  of  its  j 

action,  was  from  the  town  of  Duxbury  in  New  Plymouth.^  j 

But  though  the  government  had  sent  out  this  summons  j 

merely  in  the  form  of  an  invitation,  it  was  met  by  no  in-  ! 
considerable  opposition  in  Boston.     Indeed,  the  church  at 

first  declined  to  choose  delegates  for  the  Synod.    But  John  ; 

Norton,^  a  distinguished  minister,  who  had  come  over  from  i 

Encfland  in   1634  and  received  an  official  call  from  the  ! 
church  in  Ipswich,  j^reached  with  such  effect  before  a  very 

numerous  assembly  in  Boston,  on  the  nature  of  synods,  j 

that  delegates  were  elected.     Accordingly,  at  the  begin-  l 

ning  of  the  winter  of  1646,  the  Synod  assembled;  but  after  j 

a  session  of  fourteen  days  it  adjourned  to  the   18th  of  ] 

June,  1647;  and  the  summer  j^roving  sickly  on  jjccount  of  i 

the  great  heat,  they  then  adjourned  again.     But  in  Sep-  ^ 

tember,   1648,  they  met  once  more,  and  prosecuted  the  j 

1  John  Partridge;  Mather  Mag.  Book  III.  Part  II.  Ch.  XI.  i 

2  Ibid.  Book  II.  Part  I.  Ch.  II.  §16.  He  was  called,  after  Cotton's  death  .i 
in  1652,  to  the  church  in  Boston,  where  he  lived  ten  years,  an  esteemed  [ 
and  beloved  preacher  of  the  Gospel.                                      .  '< 


NEW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY.  149 

business  with  which  they  were  charged  till  its  completion 
in  October. 

The  fii-st  stop  was,  to  take  into  consideration  the  confes- 
sion of  faith  adopted  by  the  assembly  of  divines  at  West- 
minster.^ Each  article  was  read  aloud  by  itselfj  and  the 
unanimous  concun*ence  of  all  present  was  expressed  in 
the  following  resolution  :  "  This  SjTiod  having  perused  and 

1  This  assembly  was  called  by  order  of  parliament  in  1643.  It  consisted 
of  ten  peei-s,  twenty  members  of  the  lower  House,  and  one  hundred  and 
twenty  clergymen;  but  the  number  of  the  latter  was  soon  diminished  by 
the  secession  of  those  inclined  to  episcopacy.  At  the  very  beginning,  they 
took  in  hand  a  revision  of  the  Thirty-nine  Articles,  but  without  completing 
it.  Later,  the  Assembly  was  joined  by  the  Scotch,  The  predominance  thus 
gained  by  the  Presbyterians  was  contested  by  the  iufluence  of  the  Inde- 
pendents, which  was  constantly  strengthening  under  the  countenance  of 
Cromwell  ;  who,  however,  were  not  able  to  carry  through  their  principle 
of  the  independence  of  the  single  churches.  On  the  contrary,  both  in  the 
decisions  respecting  the  ordination  of  ministers  and  public  worship,  the 
principles  of  the  Presbyterians  were  adopted,  according  to  which  the  as- 
sembly of  the  ministers  and  elders  of  one  church  were  subjected  to  the 
presbyteries  of  several  churches,  and  these  again  to  a  synod.  Before  the 
close  of  the  assembly  (in  February  1648),  the  Independents,  being  out- 
voted, had  withdrawn.  So  also  did  the  Erastians,  who  allowed  to  the 
clergy  only  the  office  of  preaching  the  word  and  administering  the  sacra- 
ments, but  wished  all  church-government  to  be  transferred  to  the  state. 
The  Confession  of  Faith  laid  before  parliament  in  1646,  whi<h  was  assented 
to  by  the  Presbyterians  and  Independents,  takes  very  decided  ground 
against  Arminianism,  and  exalts  the  doctrine  of  predestination  in  opposi- 
tion to  the  views  then  current  in  the  Episcopal  Church,  But  with  this 
concord,  we  see  on  both  sides  a  tenacious  adherence  to  their  diflFerent  doc- 
trines in  regard  to  church-government;  as  in  all  English  church-parties, 
the  constitution  has  ever  been  the  main  question.  The  Independents  of 
England  complained  at  that  time  of  persecution ;  in  the  year  of  Cromwell's 
death,  Hi-18,  they  held  an  assembly  at  London,  and  adopted  the  Savoy 
Confession,  which  agrees  in  all  essential  points  with  that  of  Westminster. 
The  stand  it  takes  against  open  communion  seems  to  hold  a  certain  con- 
nection with  the  opposition  to  Arminianism;  making  an  unconscious  ap- 
plication of  the  doctrine  of  predestination,  by  seeking  to  exclude  all  but 
the  elect  from  membership  in  the  visible  church. 

13* 


150                           NEW  ENGLAND   THEOCEACY.  ■] 

considered  (with  much  gladness  of  heart  and  thankfulness  j 

to  God)  the  confession  of  faith,  published  by  the  late  rev-  j 

erend  assembly  in  England,  do  judge  it  to  be  very  holy,  ] 

orthodox   and  judicious,  in   all  matters  of  faith,   and  do  \ 

therefore  freely  and  fully  consent  thereunto  for  the  sub-  j 

stance  thereof     Only  in  those  things  which  have  respect  I 

to  church-government  and  discipline,  we  refer  ourselves  to  j 

the   platform    of  church-discipline   agreed   upon   by   this  ] 

present  assembly ;  and  we  do  therefore  think  it  meet,  that  ^ 

this    confession    of   faith   should   be    commended   to   the  j 

churches  of  Christ  among  us,  and  to  the  honored  Court,  as  j 

worthy  of  their  due  consideration  and  acceptance."  | 

The  Synod  then  applied  itself  to  the  completion  of  the  j 

work   for  which  it  had  especially  been    called  together.  i 

Besides    the    above   mentioned   Partridge,   John   Cotton  ; 

and  Richard  Mather^  were  appointed   to   draw    up,  each  ; 

by  himself,   an  outline  of  Church-Discipline  agreeable  to  i 
the  Holy  Scriptures.     The  Synod  compared  these  three 

models  with  one  another,  and  thus  arose  the  platform  of  ; 

Church-Discipline  which,  in  October  1648,  was  presented  ^ 

to  the  General  Court  for  consideration  and    acceptance.  ) 

Its  conclusions  received  indeed  no    such  unanimous  ap-  i 

proval,  in  reference  to  each  particular  point,  as  the  Articles  ^ 

of  Faith ;  but,  on  the  other  hand,  no   decided  opposition  ! 

arose  from  any  quarter,  and  when  laid  before  the  churches,  ■ 

it  was  accepted  by  all.^                                  ,  j 

PLATFORM    OF    CHURCH   DISCIPLINE    (tHE    CAMBRIDGE    PLATFORM),  \ 

ADOPTED   IN    1648.  i 

We  have  already  had  occasion  to  bring  forward  those  I 

points  of  this  Platform,  which  contain  an  exhibition  of  the  ] 

1  Grandfather  of  the  church  historian*,  Cotton  Mather.  | 

2  Neal's  History  of  New  England,  I.,  292. 


NEW   ENGLAND   THEOCRACY.  151 

theocratic  relation.*  Our  first  object  must  now  be  to 
show  how  the  question  was  answered,  which,  according  to 
tlie  declaration  of  the  General  Court,  occasioned  the  prep- 
aration of  the  Platform,  viz.,  the  question  respecting  quali- 
fications for  church-membership.  The  answer  is  found  in 
the  fourth  and  twelfth  chapters  of  the  Platform ;  the  one 
treating  of  the  form  of  the  visible  church;  the  other,  of  the 
admission  of  members  into  the  church.  The  fourth  chap- 
ter thus  speaks ; 

1.  Saints  by  calling  must  have  a  visible  political  nnion 
among  themselves,  or  else  they  are  not  yet  a  particular 
church,  (1  Cor.  12 :  27.  1  Tim.  3 ;  15.  Eph.  2 :  22.  1  Cor.  12 : 
15,  16,  17.)  as  those  similitudes  hold  forth  which  the  scrip- 
ture makes  use  of  to  show  the  nature  of  particular 
churches ;  as  a  hody^  a  buildi?i(/,  house,  hands,  eyes,  feet, 
:uid  other  members,  must  be  united,  or  else  ^[remaining 
separate)  are  not  a  body.  Stones,  timber,  though  squared, 
hewn  and  polished,  are  not  a  house,  until  they  are  com- 
pacted, and  united:  (Rev.  ii.)  so  saints  or  believers  in 
judgment  of  charity,  are  not  a  church,  unless  orderly  knit 
together. 

2.  Particular  churches  cannot  be  distinguished  one  from 
another,  but  by  their  forms.  Ephesus  is  not  Smyrna,  nor 
Pergamos  Thyatira,  but  each  one  a  distinct  society  of  it- 
self, having  officere  of  their  own,  which  had  not  the  charge 
of  others :  virtues  of  their  own,  for  which  others  are  not 
praised :  corruptions  of  their  own,  for  which  others  are  not 
blamed. 

3.  This  form  is  the  visible  covenant,  agreement  or  con- 
sent, whereby  they  give  up  themselves  unto  the  Lord,  to 
tlie  observing  of  the  ordinances  of  Christ  together  in  the 
same  society,  which  is  usually  called  the  church-covenant : 

1  See  p.  68,  ff. 


152  NEW   ENGLAND   THEOCRACY. 

(Ex.  19  :  5,  8.  Deut.  29  :  12,  13.  Zee.  11 :  14,  and  9  :  11,)  for 
we  see  not  otherwise  how  members  can  have  church-power 
over  one  another  mutually.  The  comparing  of  each  par- 
ticular church  to  a  city^  and  unto  a  spouse^  (Eph.  2;  19.  2 
Cor.  11 :  2,)  seemeth  to  conclude  not  only  a  form,  but  that 
that  form  is  by  way  of  covenant.  The  covenant,  as  it  was 
that  which  made  the  family  of  Abraham  and  children  of 
Israel  to  be  a  church  and  people  unto  God,  (Gen.  17  r  7. 
Eph.  2 :  12,  18,)  so  it  is  that  which  now  makes  the  several 
societies  of  Gentile  believers  to  be  churches  in  these  days. 

4.  This  voluntary  agreement,  consent  or  covenant,  (for 
all  these  are  here  taken  for  the  same)  although  the  more 
express  and  plain  it  is,  the  more  fully  puts  us  in  mind  of 
our  mutual  duty ;  and  stirreth  us  up  to  it,  and  leaveth 
less  room  for  the  questioning  of  the  truth  of  the  church- 
estate  of  a  company  of  professors,  and  the  truth  of 
membership  of  particular  persons;  yet  we  conceive  the 
substance  of  it  is  kept,  where  there  is  real  agreement 
and  consent  of  a  company  of  faithful  persons  to  meet 
constantly  together  in  one  congregation,  for  the  public 
worship  of  God,  and  their  mutual  edification :  which  real 
agreement  and  consent  they  do  express  by  their  constant 
practice  in  coming  together  for  the  public  worship  of  God, 
and  by  their  religious  subjection  nnto  the  ordinances  of 
God  there :  (Exod.  19:5,  and  20 :  8,  and  24 :  3, 17.  Josh.  24 : 
18  —  24.  Psal.  50:  5.  Neh.  9  :  88,  and  10:1.  Gen.  xvii.  Deut. 
xxix.)  the  rather,  if  we  do  consider  how  scripture-covenants 
have  been  entered  into,  not  only  expressly  by  word  of 
mouth,  but  by  sacrifice,  by  hand- writing  and  seal ;  and  also 
sometimes  by  silent  consent,  without  any  writing  or  ex- 
pression of  words  at  all. 

5.  This  form  being  by  mutual  covenant,  it  followeth,  it 
is  not  faith  in  the  heart,  nor  the  profession  of  that  faith, 


NEW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY.  168 

nor  cohabitation,  nor  baptism.  1.  Not  faith  in  the  hearty 
because  that  is  invisible.  2.  Not  a  hare  profession^  be- 
cause that  declareth  them  no  more  to  be  members  of  one 
church  than  another.  3.  Not  cohabitation^  atheists  or  infi- 
dels may  dwell  together  with  believers.  4.  Not  baptism^ 
because  it  presupposeth  a  church-estate  as  circumcision  in 
the  Old  Testament^  which  gave  no  being  to  the  church,  the 
church  being  before  it,  and  in  the  wilderness  without  it. 
Seals  presuppose  a  covenant  already  in  being.  One  person 
is  a  complete  subject  of  baptism,  but  one  person  is  inca- 
pable of  being  a  church. 

6.  All  believers  ought,  as  God  giveth  them  opportunity 
thereunto,  to  endeavor  to  join  themselves  unto  a  particular 
church,  and  that  in  respect  of  the  honor  of  Jesus  Christ,  in 
his  example  and  institution,  by  the  professed  acknowledg- 
ment of,  and  subjection  unto  the  order  and  ordinances  of 
the  gospel :  (Acts  2 :  47,  and  9 :  26.  Mat.  3 :  13,  14,  15,  and 
28:  19,  20.  Psa.  133:  23,  and  87 :  7.  Mat.  18:  20.  1  John, 
1,3.)  as  also  in  respect  of  their  good  communion  founded 
upon  their  visible  union,  and  contained  in  the  promises  of 
Christ's  special  presence  in  the  church ;  whence  they  have 
fellowship  with  him,  and  in  him,  one  with  another :  also  in 
the  keeping  of  them  in  the  way  of  God's  commandments, 
and  recovering  of  them  in  case  of  wandering,  (which  all 
Christ's  sheep  are  subject  to  in  this  life)  being  unable  to 
return  of  themselves ;  together  with  the  benefit  of  their 
mutual  edification,  and  of  their  posterity,  that  they  may 
not  be  cut  off  from  the  privilege  of  the  covenant.  (Psa. 
119:  176.  lPet.2:25.  Eph.  4:  16.  Job  22:  24,  25.  Matt.  18: 
15,  16,  17.)  Otherwise,  if  a  believer  offends,  he  remains 
destitute  of  the  remedy  provided  in  that  behalf.  And 
should  all  believers  neglect  this  duty  of  joining  to  all  par- 
ticular congregations,  it  might  follow  therefrom,  that  Christ 
should  have  no  visible,  political  churches  upon  earth." 


154  NEW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY. 

Still  more  decided  is  the  view  of  the  Synod,  on  the 
points  in  question,  expressed  in  the  twelfth  chapter  of  the 
Platform.  As  it  is  through  these  decisions  that  the  sub- 
sequent controversies  are  seen  in  their  proper  light,  we 
will  here  give  this  chapter  at  length. 

1.  The  doors  of  the  church  of  Christ  upon  earth  do  not, 
by  God's  appointment,  stand  so  wide  open  that  all  sorts  of 
people,  good  and  bad,  may  freely  enter  therein  at  their 
pleasure,  (2  Chr.  29  :  19.  Matt.  13 :  25,  and  22  :  12.)  but  such 
as  are  admitted  thereto,  as  members,  ought  to  be  examined 
and  tried  first,  whether  they  be  fit  and  meet  to  be  received 
into  church-society  or  not.  The  Eunuch  of  Ethiopia 
before  his  admission,  was  examined  by  Philip^  (Acts  8 : 
37.)  whether  he  did  believe  on  Jesus  Christ  with  all  his 
heart.  The  angel  of  the  church  at  JEphesus^  (Rev.  2 :  2. 
Acts  9 :  26.)  is  commended  for  trying  such  as  said  they 
were  apostles  and  were  not.  There  is  like  reason  for  try- 
ing of  them  that  profess  themselves  to  be  believers.  The 
officers  are  charged  with  the  keeping  of  the  doors  of  the 
church,  and  therefore  are  in. a  special  manner  to  make  trial 
of  the  fitness  of  such,  who  enter.  Twelve  angels  are  set 
at  the  gates  of  the  temple,  (Rev.  21 :  12.  2  Chr.  23 :  19.)  lest 
such  as  were  ceremonially  unclean  should  enter  thereinto. 

2.  The  things  which  are  requisite  to  be  found  in  all 
church-members,  are  repentance  from  sin,  and  faith  in 
Jesus  Christ :  (Acts  2 :  38—42,  and  8  :  37.)  and  therefore, 
these  are  the  things  whereof  men  are  to  be  examined,  at 
their  admission  into  the  church,  and  which  then  they  must 
profess  and  hold  forth  in  such  sort,  as  may  satisfy  rational 
charity  that  the  things  are  indeed.  Johyi  Baptist  admit- 
ted men  to  baptism  confessing  and  bewailing  their  sins : 
(Matt.  3 :  6.  Acts  19 :  18.)  and  of  others  it  is  said  that  they 
came  and  confessed^  and  showed  their  deeds. 


NEW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY.  166 

3.  The  weakest  measure  of  faith  is  to  be  accepted  in 
those  that  desire  to  be  admitted  into  the  church  (Rom. 
14:  1.);  if  sincere^  they  have  the  substance  of  that  faith, 
repentance  and  holiness,  which  is  required  in  clmrch-mem- 
bers ;  and  such  have  most  need  of  the  ordinances  for  their 
confirmation,  and  growth  in  grace.  The  Lord  Jesus  would 
not  quench  the  smoking  flax,  nor  break  the  bruised  reed, 
(Matt.  12 :  20.  Isa.  40:  11.)  but  gather  the  tender  lambs  in 
his  arms  and  carry  them  gently  in  his  bosom.  Such  char- 
ity and  tenderness  is  to  be  used,  as  the  weakest  Christian, 
if  sincere,  may  not  be  excluded  nor  discouraged.  Severity 
of  examination  is  to  be  avoided. 

4.  In  case  any  through  excessive  fear,  or  other  infirmity, 
be  unable  to  make  their  personal  relation  of  their  spiritual 
estate  in  public,  it  is  sufficient,  that  the  elders  having 
received  private  satisfaction,  make  relation  thereof  in  pub- 
lic before  the  church,  they  testifying  their  assents  there- 
unto :  this  being  the  way  that  tendeth  most  to  edification. 
But  where  persons  are  of  greater  abilities,  there  it  is 
most  expedient  that  they  make  their  relations  and  confes- 
sions pei-sonally  with  their  own  mouth,  as  David  profess- 
eth  of  himself  (Psal.  66  :  6.) 

5.  A  personal  and  public  confession,  and  declaring  of 
God's  manner  of  working  upon  the  soul,  is  both  lawful, 
expedient  and  useful,  in  sundry  respects  and  upon  sundry 
grounds.  Those  three  thousand,  (Acts  2:  37,  41.)  before 
they  were  admitted  by  the  apostles,  did  manifest  that  they 
were  pricked  at  the  heart  by  Peter*8  sermon,  together  with 
earnest  desire  to  be  delivered  from  their  sins  which  even 
wounded  their  consciences,  and  their  ready  receiving  of 
the  word  of  promise  and  exhortation.  We  are  to  be  ready 
to  render  a  reason  of  the  hope  that  is  in  us,  to  every  one 
that  asketh  us  ;  (1  Pet.  3 :  15.  Heb.  11:1.  Eph.  1 :  18.)  there- 


156  IsE\y  ENGLAND   THEOCRACY. 

fore  we  must  be  able  and  ready  upon  any  occasion  to 
declare  and  show  our  repentance  for  sin,  faitTi  unfeigned, 
and  effectual  calling,  because  those  are  the  reason  of  a  well 
grounded  hope.  I  have  not  liidden  thy  righteousness  from. 
the  great  congregation.     (Psalm  40:  10.) 

6.  This  profession  of  faith  and  repentance,  as  it  must  be 
made  by  such  at  their  admission,  that  were  never  in 
church  society  before ;  so  nothing  hindereth  but  the  same 
may  also  be  performed  by  such  as  have  formerly  been 
members  of  some  other  church,  (Matt.  3 :  5,  6.  Gal.  2 :  4.  1 
Tim.  5  :  24.)  and  the  church  to  which  they  now  join  them- 
selves as  members,  may  lawfully  require  the  same.  Those 
three  thousand,  (Acts  ii.)  which  made  their  confession,  were 
members  of  the  church  of  the  Jews  before ;  so  were  those 
that  were  baptized  by  John.  Churches  may  err  in  their 
admission ;  and  persons  regularly  admitted  may  fall  into 
offence.  Otherwise,  if  churches  might  obtrude  their  mem- 
bers, or  if  church-members  might  obtrude  themselves  upon 
other  churches  without  due  trial,  the  matter  so  requiring, 
both  the  liberty  of  the  churches  would  thereby  be  infringed 
in  that  they  might  not  examine  those,  concerning  whose 
fitness  for  communion  they  were  unsatisfied :  and  besides 
the  infringing  of  their  liberty,  the  churches  themselves 
would  unavoidably  be  corrupted,  and  the  ordinances 
defiled,  whilst  they  might  not  refuse,  but  must  receive  the 
unworthy :  which  is  contrary  unto  the  scripture,  teaching 
that  all  churches  are  sisters,  and  therefore  equal.  (Cant. 
8:8.) 

7.  The  like  trial  is  to  be  required  from  such  members  of 
the  church  as  were  bom  in  the  same,  or  received  their 
membership,  or  were  baptized  in  their  infancy  or  minority 
by  virtue  of  the  covenant  of  their  parents,  when  being 
grown  up  into  years  of  discretion,  they  shall  desire  to  be 


NEW   ENGLAND   THEOCRACY.  157 

made  partakers  of  the  Lord's  Supper:  unto  wliich,  because 
lioly  things  must  not  be  given  to  the  unworthy,  therefore 
it  is  requisite  (Matt.  7 :  6.  1  Cor.  11:  27.),  that  these  as 
well  as  others  should  come  to  their  trial  and  examination, 
and  manifest  their  faith  and  repentance  by  an  open  profes- 
sion thereof,  before  they  are  received  to  the  Lord's  Supper, 
and  otherwise  not  to  be  admitted  thereunto.  Yet  these 
church-members  that  were  so  born,  or  received  in  their 
childhood,  before  they  are  capable  of  being  made  partakers 
of  full  communion,  have  many  privileges  which  others,  not 
church-members,  have  not;  they  are  in  covenant  with 
God,  having  the  seal  thereof  upon  them,  viz.,  baptism ;  and 
so,  if  not  regenerated,  yet  are  in  a  more  hopeful  way  of 
attaining  regenerating  grace,  and  all  the  spiritual  blessings 
both  of  the  covenant  and  the  seal :  they  are  also  under 
church-watch,  and  consequently  subject  to  the  reprehen- 
sions, admonitions,  and  censures  thereof,  for  their  healing 
and  amendment,  as  need  shall  require." 

If  now  we  sum  up  the  results  of  this  Synod,  we  shall 
find  in  the  Platform  the  confirmation,  as  well  of  the  theo- 
cratic views  which  had  all  along  been  recognized  in  prac- 
tice, as  of  the  undisputed  Congregationalist  principles 
respecting  the  self-competency  and  independence  of  the 
churches,  in  regard  to  the  exercise  of  the  fullest  and  high- 
est ecclesiastical  authority.  But  the  Platform  also  decides, 
as  we  see  from  the  two  chapters  just  quoted,  the  question 
respecting  the  qualifications  for  church-membership.  We 
see  here  as  little  deviation  from  the  conditions  laid  down 
by  Robinson,  as  from  those  which  still  prevail  among  Con- 
gregational ists  at  the  present  day.  The  great  value  and 
blessing  of  baptism  is  indeed  acknowledged ;  but  the  bap- 
tized are  nevertheless  put  essentially  on  a  level  with  others, 

14 


158  NEW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY. 

who  stand  outside  the  church-communion  and  are  obliged 
to  submit  to  the  same  tests. 

Before  passing  to  the  consideration  of  the  repeated 
counter-movements  against  this  decision,  and  to  the  deter- 
'  minations  of  the  following  synod,  we  will  attempt  to  draw 
from  the  Platform  a  view  of  certain  other  ecclesiastical 
relations,  wiiich  did  not  so  essentially  affect  the  progressive 
develoiDment  of  the  church.  The  gradual  and  partial  change 
experienced  here,  was,  indeed,  not  so  much  expressed  in 
special  decisions,  as  introduced,  step  after  step,  by  usage. 

In  regard  to  officers  in  the  church,  four  of  these  are 
mentioned  in  the  Platform.  The  sixth  chapter  treats  of 
pastors  and  teachers,  who  (§  5)  are  distinct  from  each 
other  in  this  respect,  that  upon  the  former  lies  the  duty  of 
exhortation,  administering  therein  of  the  word  of  wisdom ; 
upon  the  latter,  the  care  of  doctrine,  administering  therein 
of  the  word  of  knowledge :  both  participate  in  the  admin- 
istration of  the  sacraments,  and  the  execution  of  church 
censures,  that  being  only  an  application  of  the  word 
preached.  Still,  it  is  expressly  declared  (§  6)  that  the 
office  of  teacher  is  not  limited  to  the  schools;  but  both 
belong  alike  to  the  church.  Two  such  servants  of  the 
word  would,  however,  be  found  only  in  the  larger  churches; 
and  since  these,  as  before  mentioned,  were  accustomed  to 
divide,  a  ready  explanation  may  be  found,  in  the  indepen- 
dency of  each  church,  for  the  gradual  disappearance  of  one 
of  these  offices.  The  third  office  in  the  church  was  that  of 
ruling  elder.  The  two  servants  of  the  church  already 
mentioned  were,  it  is  true,  also  called  elders,  and  took  part 
in  the  government  of  the  church ;  but  this  was  the  espe- 
cial duty  of  the  ruling  elder,  to  whom  it  did  not  pertain 
to  teach  or  to  preach.  What  belonged  to  all  three  in 
common,  found  in  the  ruling  elder  its  chief  executor,  or 


KliW  ENGLAND   THEOCRACY.  169 

at  least  its  principal  organ  of  communication.  His  duty 
is  stated  to  be  (chap.  7,  §  2)  that  of  admitting  and  ex- 
cluding members;  of  calling  together  and  dismissing  the 
church ;  of  prejiariug  business  for  the  public  meetings  and 
maintaining  quiet  and  order  in  the  same ;  of  representing 
the  church ;  taking  the  oversight  of  its  members  in  respect 
to  life  and  doctrine  ;  visiting  and  comforting  the  sick  ;  ad- 
monishing, as  occasion  shall  offer,  out  of  the  word  of  God. 
The  ruling  elders  stood  as  agents  between  the  church  and 
the  individual  members.  This  office  at  first  existed  in 
most  of  the  churches ;  but  at  the  end  of  a  half  century 
it  had  fallen  into  almost  total  desuetude.  The  cause  of 
this  was,  in  part,  the  gradual  transfer  of  its  duties  to  the 
other  church  servants ;  in  part,  the  unpleasant  nature  of 
some  branches  of  the  office ;  for  instance,  that  of  oversight 
of  the  members,  which  became  more  and  more  repulsive 
during  the  signal  decay  of  the  church  life  at  a  later  period. 
The  fourth  office,  that  of  deacons,  had  for  its  object  the 
purely  external  relations  of  the  church,  especially  the  man- 
agement of  its  property. 

While  the  above  named  offices  are  declared  to  be  those 
alone  which  are  agreeable  to  Scripture,  all  others,  as  popes, 
cardinals,  patriarchs,  archbishops,  lordbi shops,  archdea- 
cons, officials,  commissaries,  and  the  like,  are  described  as 
mere  inventions  and  ordinances,  which  tend  to  the  great 
dishonor  of  Jesus  Christ,  the  Lord  and  King  of  his  church. 
The  appointment  of  deaconesses  is,  however,  recommended 
where  it  is  practicable.  The  election  of  church  officers, 
according  to  the  eighth  chapter,  naturally  pertains  to  the 
church  ;  neither  the  government,  diocesan  bishops,  or  pat- 
rons can  claim  it  on  the  ground  of  Scripture.  Ordination 
is  to  be  performed  by  the  elders ;  if  these  are  wanting,  by 
brethren,  orderly  chosen  by  the  church  for  the  purpose. 


160  NEW   ENGLAND   THEOCRACY. 

In  the  latter  case,  however,  the  end  is  reached,  if  the  impo- 
sition of  hands  and  prayer  are  performed  by  the  elders  of 
other  churches.  But  it  gradually  became  established  usage, 
to  commit  ordination  to  the  ministers  of  neighboring 
churches.  The  articles  respecting  the  communion  of  dif- 
ferent churches  with  each  other  are  in  conformity  with  the 
principles  thus  laid  down  and  explained.  They  are  bound 
to  mutual  care,  consultation,  admonition,  and  sympathy, 
as  becomes  christian  brethren.  If  a  member  of  any  church 
has  occasion  to  leave  it  in  a  regular  manner,  he  shall  be 
dismissed  with  a  letter  of  recommendation,  that  he  may 
be  received  into  the  church  to  which  he  goes ;  although 
the  latter,  as  we  have  seen,  is  not  unconditionally  bound 
to  accept  him. 

We  will  here  add  the  articles  respecting  excommunica- 
tion. It  may  be  pronounced  against  one  who  sins  against 
his  brother,  if  refusing  to  hear  him,  the  witnesses,  and  the 
church  (Matt.  18:  15 — 17);  as  also  for  public  scandals. 
But  it  must  proceed  from  the  spirit  of  judgment  and 
meekness.  All  intercourse  wuth  the  excommunicated  shall 
be  withheld,  except  so  far  as  is  indispensably  necessary. 
Still  he  is  not  thereby  deprived  of  his  civil  rights,  and, 
being  regarded  as  a  heathen  and  publican,  he  may  be  pres- 
ent at  the  preaching  of  the  word.  In  the  hope  of  his 
recovery,  he  shall  not  be  accounted  as  an  enemy,  but  ad- 
monished as  a  brother ;  and  on  the  manifestation  of  re- 
pentance, he  shall  be  reinstated  in  his  former  relations.  It 
is  added,  that  the  scandalous  walk  of  persons  in  the  church 
is  not  sufficient  ground  for  separation  from  it,  nor  for 
withdrawal  from  participation  in  the  sacraments  therein 
administered. 

Thus  have  we  endeavored  to  give  a  reflection  of  the 
spirit  which  rules  in  this  platform.     Its  most  important 


NEW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY.  161 

decision,  however,  that  which  respects  the  qualifications 
for  church-membership,  found  and  continued  to  find  many 
oi)posers.  The  succeeding  chapters  will  show  the  triumph 
of  another  view,  in  reference  to  the  relation  of  baptized 
persons,  and  the  consequences  of  this  change. 


14* 


CHAPTER    VI.  \ 

DISSOLUTION  OF  THE  THEOCRATIC  RELATION,  FROM  THE  ECCLE-  \ 

SIASTICAL  AND  THE  POLITICAL  SIDE.  \ 

ECCLESIASTICAL  AGITATIONS  WITHIJf  THE  COLONIES.  3 

\ 
\ 

The  Cambridge  Synod  of  1648  had,  as  we  have  seen,  j 
triumphed  over  the  opposition  which  threatened  to  subvert 

the  theocratic  relation.     That  opposition  was  essentially  po-  [ 

litical  in  its  nature,  being  directed  against  a  political  advan-  j 

tage  enjoyed  by  church-members,  against  the  theocracy  in  \ 

general.  ; 

But  there  now  appeared  opposers  of  the  existing  rela-  : 

t.ions  from  a  properly  ecclesiastical   stand-point,  directly  j 

affecting  the  specific  form  of  the  theocratic  constitution,  as  ! 

developed  from  the   ground-ideas   of  Congregationalism.  \ 

This  conflict,  waged  with  other  weapons,  and  as  it  were  in  ; 

another  territory,  had  also  a  different  issue  from  the  one  | 

just  narrated.  j 

It  appears,  from  contemporary  accounts,  that  the  princi-  j 

pies  of  the  theocracy  were  carried  out  in  practice,  however  ] 

much  it  might  seem,  in  the  single  cases,  to  be  at  war  with  ; 

the   spirit   in  which   the  Independents  had  their  origin.  1 

About  the  year  1651,  the  church  at  Maiden  was  fined  in  a  ' 

heavy  sum,  for  having  chosen  a  minister  without  the  agree-  j 

ment  and  consent  of  the  neighboring  churches,  and  with-  \ 
out  permission  from  the  government.     It  was  therefore  or- 


NEW  ENGLAND   THEOCRACY.  163 

dained  by  law,  that  no  minister  could  be  called  to  the  office 
in  any  church  without  the  approbation  both  of  some  mem- 
bers of  the  magistracy,  and  of  the  neighboring  churches. 
On  the  strength  of  this  decision,  the  General  Court  ^  refused 
to  allow  the  North  Church  in  Boston  to  choose  for  their 
pastor,  a  well-gifled  though  unlearned  man  by  the  name 
of  Powell,  and  they  were  obliged  to  content  themselves 
with  making  hira  ruling  elder.  Not  only  so,  but  the  gov- 
ernment took  upon  itself  to  nominate  another  from  New 
Plymouth,  thus  exercising  a  direct  influence  on  the  election. 
In  reference  to  this  occurrence,  Hubbard,^  one  of  the  ear- 
liest historians  of  New  England  says  :  "  Let  the  experi- 
ence of  all  reformed  churches  be  asked,  and  it  will  appear, 
that  disorder  and  confusion  in  the  church  can  be  avoided  by 
no  decisions,  councils  and  assemblies  of  synods,  or  of  other 
deputies  of  the  churches,  if  that  which  is  determined  be  not 
somewhat  set  forward  by  the  civil  authority.  All  men  are 
naturally  so  prejudiced  by  their  own  notions,  that  the  order 
and  rule  of  the  gospel  is  not  obeyed,  unless  there  is  a  neces- 
sary power  of  restraint." 

At  this  same  time,  when  the  connection  between  church 
and  state  was  thus  steadfastly  maintained,  commenced  the 
discussion  of  the  question  respecting  qualification  for  mem- 
bership in  the  church  itself.  It  cannot  but  strike  one  with 
surprise,  that  the  progress  of  so  few  years  had  sufficed  to 
produce,  in  a  large  majority  of  the  people,  a  change  in  re- 
spect to  the  organic  principles  which  lay  at  the  basis  of 
Congregationalism.  This  departure  from  the  original  strict- 
ness, wbich  we  shall  see  as  the  result  of  the  ecclesiastical 
agitations  of  this  period,  finds  its  explanation  in  the  form 
and  character  of  the  opposition  here  developed.    In  accord- 

1  Backus,  I.,  267.    Hutchinson,  I.,  174. 

2  A  history  of  Massachusetts  from  his  hand  appeared  so  eariy  as  1680. 


164  NEW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY. 

ance  with  her  fundamental  principles,  the  church  could  ad- 
mit to  baptism  only  the  children  of  her  actual  members,  and 
no  one  was  entitled  by  this  sacrament  to  full  fellowship. 
But,  as  before  remarked,  in  process  of  time  not  only  had 
many  emigrants  come  from  England  without  that  religious 
impulse;  but  there  was  a  decay  of  that  predominating 
church-feeling,  even  in  the  second  generation  in  America. 
It  was,  nevertheless,  not  so  extinguished  that  there  was  not 
a  desire  among  such  for  a  certain  personal  connection  with 
the  church,  partly  for  their  own  sakes,  and  partly  to  secure 
for  their  children  a  participation  in  the  privileges  of  the 
christian  body.  The  church,  however,  could  not  regard 
these  children  as  members  through  their  parents,  or  expect 
that  they  would  subsequently  fulfil  the  obligations  requisite 
for  the  other  sacrament.  But  though  she  might  feel  her- 
self strong  enough,  especially  in  her  connection  with  the 
state,  to  resist  the  claims  and  wishes  of  those  who  were  di- 
rectly interested  in  these  questions,  ye^  another  considera- 
tion here  presented  itself  in  respect  to  the  immediate  conse- 
quences of  a^iromsistent  denial  of  baptism.  It  was  especi- 
ally to  be  feared  lest  Anabaptism,  that  bugbear  of  Kew 
England,  would  quickly  extend  itself,  being  strengthened 
by  members,  who  saw  themselves  as  it  were  thus  compelled 
by  the  church  to  postpone  their  baptism.  The  danger  ap- 
peared the  more  imminent  from  the  fact,  that  it  now  began 
to  show  itself  in  a  form  which  gave  no  occasion  to  the  re- 
proach of  fanaticism,  or  of  a  tendency  to  disorder.  Henry 
Dunster,  the  first  president  of  Harvard  College,  who  had 
been  a  teacher  in  that  institution  from  the  year  1640,  was, 
by  the  testimony  of  his  contemporaries,  a  very  learned  man,^ 

1  He  was  especially  celebrated  for  his  knowledge  of  Hebrew.    A  metri- 
cal version  of  the  Psalms,  prepared  by  him,  came  into  use  in  public  wov- 


NBW  BNGLAND  THEOCRACY.  165 

and  had  at  first,  as  it  seems,  performed  the  duties  of  his 
office  to  general  satisfaction.     But  at  a  later  period,  he  re- 
jected infant  baptism,  manifestly  for  the  sake  of  carrying 
out  consistently  the  Congregationalist  principle;   for  the 
sacraments  being  in  his  view  of  equal  rank,  he  held  the  same 
pre-requisites  necessary  for  both.     Although  he  seems  to    ' 
have  expressed  this  change  of  opinion  with  great  raodera-   , 
tion,  the  most  injurious  and  corrupting  influence  was  appre-  f 
hended  from  it  in  his  position ;  and  in  the  year  1G54,  he  Wiis 
required  to  resign  his  office.     He  yielded  a  ready  assent, 
and  withdrew  to  Scituate,  a  town  in  Massachusetts  on  the 
borders  of  Plymouth  colony.      Here  he  lived  to  the  ye^r 
1675  undisturbed,  and  without  giving  occasion  to  any  far- 
ther excitement. 

Just  about  the  time  when  the  opposition  thus  developed 
in  Massachusetts  had  been  quelled,  there  sprang  up  a  con- 
troversy in  Hartford,  the  capital  of  Connecticut,  whose 
progress  led  to  conclusions  which  revolutionized  the  hith- 
erto existing  relation.  In  the  year  1647,  their  minister, 
Mr.  Hooker,  one  of  the  founders  of  this  colony,  and  "the 
father  and  pillar  of  the  Connecticut  churches,"  had  died. 
Some  years  after,  a  dissension  arose  between  his  successor 
Samuel  Stone,  and  Goodwin  a  ruling  elder  in  the  church, 
which  seems  in  its  beginning  to  have  had  reference  merely 
to  unessential  points,  in  regard  to  the  reception  of  new 
members.  The  subsequent  grounds  of  conflict  were  as  yet 
undeveloped;  hence  also,  its  proper  immediate  occasion 
did  not  come  to  light.*     Goodwin  complained  that  the 

ship,  even  after  another  had  been  attempted  1639.    Mather,  Book  III.,  II., 
Ch.  12;  and  Book  IV.,  H  3  and  5.    Backus,  I.,  p.  182. 

1  Mather,  (Magn.  B.  III.,  Chap.  XVI.,  ^  8,)  says:  "They  were  both  of 
them  godly  men;  and  the  true  original  of  the  misunderstanding  between 
men  of  so  good  an  understanding  has  been  rendered  almost  as  obscure  as 


166  NEW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY. 

rights  of  the  brethren  were  neglected  in  the  admission  of 
members,  and  the  true  principles  of  Congregationalism 
treated  with  contempt.^  The  case  or  cases,  in  which  the 
primitive  strictness  seemed  to  Stone  to  have  been  neg- 
lected, are  not  known.  But  the  controversy  itself  spread 
through  the  neighboring  churches,  and  in  all  of  them  Avith 
scarcely  an  exception,  both  the  Hartford  parties  found 
zealous  adherents  and  advocates.  The  whole  colony  and 
even  the  General  Court  took  part  in  it.  To  avert  a  formal 
division  in  the  church,  synods  of  the  neighboring  churches 
and  elders  were  repeatedly  called  in  the  years  1654  and 
1655;  but  the  excitement  at  Hartford  had  risen  to  such  a 
height,  that  both  sides  suspected  all  the  elders  and  churches 
in  Connecticut  and  New  Haven  of  being  in  some  way  pre- 
judiced in  favor  of  their  opponents.  It  was  therefore 
thought  expedient  to  call  a  council  from  the  other  colo- 
nies. Accordingly,  in  the  year  1656,  a  number  of  minis- 
ters and  elders  from  Massachusetts  repaired  to  Hartford,  to 
give  their  opinion  and  advice.  This  seems  to  have  been 
favorable  to  the  stricter  party,  but  did  not  effect  any  per- 
manent result.  Hubbard  says,  moreover,  of  Massachusetts 
in  the  year  1656:  "Baptism  had  to  this  time  been  imparted 
to  those  children  only,  whose  immediate  parents  were 
admitted  to  full  fellowship  in  the  place  where  they  lived." 

the  rise  of  Connecticut  river."  Trumbull,  (Hist,  of  Connecticut,  Vol.  L, 
p.  322,)  says  that  it  does  not  indeed  fully  appear,  what  particular  act  or 
sentiment  in  Mr.  Stone  or  the  church  gave  elder  Goodwin  disgust  and  be- 
gan the  dissension ;  but  that  it  is  evident  that  it  had  reference  to  church 
membership  and  the  rights  of  the  brotherhood.  P.  311,  Tmmbull  sug- 
gests that  perhaps  Goodwin  "  imagined  himself  not  to  have  been  properly 
consulted  and  regarded." 

1  Stone's  definition  of  Congregational  church-government  was,  "  A 
speaking  aristocracy  in  the  face  of  a  silent  democracy.''  Mather  III., 
XVI.  9.— Tr. 


NEW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY.  167 

Their  advice  was  conformed  rather  to  this  existing  usage 
than  to  the  views  recently  broached.  But  tJie  mutual  ani- 
mosity continued  to  increase;  and  indeed  very  distin- 
guished men,  among  them  even  Webster,  the  governor  of 
Connecticut,  ranged  themselves  on  the  side  of  the  stricter 
party. 

Meanwhile,  in  Connecticut  as  well  as  in  the  other  colo-/ 
nies,  there  was  growing  up  a  strong  party,  who  desired 
that  all  persons  of  regular  and  blameless  life  might  bo 
admitted  to  full  communion  in  the  churches,  on  profession 
of  their  belief  in  the  christian  religion,  without  further 
examination  in  respect  to  a  change  of  heart ;  and  more- 
over that  all  baptized  persons  should  be  treated  as  mem- 
ber of  the  church.  Some  went  still  farther,  and  insisted 
that  all  persons  who  had  been  members  of  churches  in 
England,  or  had  been  members  of  regular  ecclesiastical 
parishes  there,  and  contributed  to  the  support  of  public 
woi-ship,  should  be  allowed  the  pnvileges  of  church-mem- 
bers in  full  communion.  They  demanded  also,  that  all 
baptized  persons,  upon  "  owning  the  covenant,"  as  it  was 
called,  should  have  their  children  baptized,  although  they 
did  not  come  to  the  Lord's  table.  A  list  of  grievances, 
having  reference  to  this  subject,  was  introduced  into  the 
Assembly.  The  choice  of  a  minister  furnished  the  occa- 
sion for  these  views  to  take  a  decisive  form.  It  was  urged 
that  the  church  alone  was  not  competent  to  make  this 
choice ;  but  as  all  the  inhabitants  had,  both  in  respect  to 
themselves  and  their  children,  an  equal  interest  with  the 
church-members  in  the  qualifications  of  the  minister,  and 
were  obliged  to  contribute  their  proportion  to  his  support, 
they  had  also  the  right  to  a  voice  in  his  election.  On  the 
other  hand,  it  was  maintained  that  the  call  of  pastors  by 
any  other  than  church-members  was  contrary  to  Scripture; 


\ 


168  NEW  ENGLAND   THEOCRACY. 

they  were  ordained  over  the  churches  only,  and  were 
termed  angels  of  the  churches.  These  jooints  were  dis- 
cussed with  the  greatest  warmth,  in  ordinary  intercourse  as 
well  as  in  public  debate.  The  wish  of  unproved  persons 
to  participate  in  the  rights  and  honors  of  church-members, 
and  to  have  their  children  bajDtized,  seemed  to  those  who 
beheld  in  these  innovations  the  corruption  and  profana- 
tion of  the  churches,  to  call  for  counteractive  measures  of 
the  most  decided  character. 
T~  The  General  Court  of  Connecticut  held  itself  equally 
'  bound  to  take  into  serious  consideration  the  division  at 
Hartford,  and  these  new  controversies  in  the  colony.  At 
their  session  in  May  1656,  a  committee  of  four  distin- 
guished citizens  of  Hartford  was  nominated,  to  consult 
with  the  elders  of  the  colony  respecting  the  alleged  griev- 
ances, and  with  their  help  draw  up  a  statement  of  the 
principal  points.  This  was  to  be  presented  to  the  General 
Courts  of  the  United  Colonies  for  their  advice,  whifiji  was 
solicited  to  be  given  with  the  least  possible  delay^  The 
greater  haste  was  thought  necessary  in  settling  these  dis- 
putes,^ on  account  of  the  Quakers,  who  as  already  men- 
tioned, had  just  at  this  time  begun  to  disturb  the  colonies, 
and  against  whom  Connecticut  and  New  Haven  had  like- 
wise enacted  severe  laws.  fThe  General  Court  of  Massa- 
chusetts, in  reply  to  the  heads  of  grievance  which  had 
been  laid  before  them,  advised  a  general  council  and  sent 
letters  to  the  other  courts  to  this  effect.  New  Haven  sent 
answers  to  the  several  questions  proposed,  and  considered 
this  sufficient.  In  Connecticut,  February  26th,  1657,  the 
proposal  of  Massachusetts  was  agreed  to.  Four  ministers, 
Warham,  Stone,  Blyeman,  and  Russel,  were  appointed  to 
meet  the  delegates  of  the  other  colonies  the  following  year 
at  Boston,  for  deliberation  on  the  proposed  questions  or 


NEW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY.  16C 

Others  that  might  come  before  them,  and  to  report  the  con- 
clusions of  the  synod  to  the  General  Court  of  Connecticut. 
13ut  especially  were  the  delegates  instructed  to  confer 
respecting  the  Hartford  affhir  with  the  Massachusetts  min- 
isters, from  whom  a  visit  was  to  be  requested  for  the  pur- 
pose of  assisting  in  a  council  at  Hartford.  The  agitated 
church  was,  moreover,  desired  to  take  part  in  the  synod  at 
Boston,  with  the  assurance  that  in  case  its  decision  was 
not  satisfactory,  the  attempt  should  be  repeated  to  heal 
the  breach  in  Hartford  itself  Yet  even  in  the  meeting  of 
the  Genei-al  Court,  several  distinguished  men  avowed  their 
dissatisfaction  with  the  proposed  measures,  as  neither 
grounded  on  the  divine  word,  nor  adapted  to  restore  peace 
and  quiet.  Doubtless,  in  so  doing,  they  intended  not  only 
to  set  themselves  against  what  they  esteemed  an  interfer- 
ence of  the  legislative  authority  in  ecclesiagtical  affairs,  but 
against  a  dangerous  tendency  to  innovation^  fthe  General 
Court  at  New  Haven  was  also  most  decidedly  opposed  to 
such  a  council.  Here  was  felt  the  powerful  influence  of 
Mr.  Davenport,  whose  firm  adherence  to  the  original  prin- 
ciples of  Congregationalism  will  come  under  our  considera- 
tion farther  on.  The  request  on  the  part  of  Massachusetts, 
that  elders  might  be  sent  to  the  synod  at  Boston,  was 
therefore  declined,  in  a  long  letter  explanatory  of  their 
views  on  the  petitions  presented  to  the  General  Court  of 
Connecticut.  "  They  had  heard  the  petitioners  confidently 
hoj^ed  to  obtain  great  changes,  according  to  which  the 
])rivileges  of  membership  should  be  extended  to  all  mem- 
bers of  church-parishes,  without  any  requirement  of  con- 
version." The  fear  was  expressed  "  that  a  general  council 
held  at  that  time,  would  greatly  endanger  the  peace  and 
purity  of  the  churches."  The  General  Court  of  New 
Haven  stated,  moreover,  "  that  they  had  sent  an  answer  to 

15 


170  NEW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY. 

all  the  questions  proposed  to  the  Court  of  Connecticut, 
but  held,  nevertheless,  that  the  legislature  and  elders  of 
that  colony  were  sufficient  to  determine  all  those  points 
without  any  assistance  from  abroad ;  they  themselves  could 
not  spare  any  of  their  elders,  on  account  of  the  recent 
removal  of  some  of  their  ministers  by  death."  With  their 
letter,  they  sent  the  answers  which  they  had  prepared,  and 
entreated  for  them  a  serious  consideration.  They  urged, 
also,  that  the  principles  grounded  on  the  Scriptures,  which 
had  been  thus  far  received,  should  be  preserved  inviolate ; 
since  a  departure  from  them  would,  it  was  feared,  be  fol- 
lowed by  most  unhappy  consequences  to  the  church, 

SYNOD   OF   1657  ;   THE   HALF-WAT    COVENANT. 

Connecticut  and  Massachusetts,  however,  persisted  in 
calling  a  general  council.  Seventeen  questions^  were  laid 
before  this  body,  to  which  others  were  added  during  the 
discussion.  They  all  had  reference,  either  directly  or  indi- 
rectly to  the  qualifications  for  church  membership,  and  to 
the  privileges  resulting  from  it.  This  synod  convened  at 
Boston  on  the  4th  of  June,  1657,  and  after  a  session  of 
little  more  than  a  fortnight,  gave  an  elaborate  answer  to 
twenty-one  questions.  The  Connecticut  delegates  brought 
back  an  authentic  copy  of  the  result  and  presented  it  to 
the  General  Court,  at  its  session  on  the  12th  of  August. 
The  Court  ordered  copies  to  be  sent  forthwith  to  all  the 
churches  in  the  colony;  if  any  one  of  them  had  objections 
to  make  to  these  answers,  they  were  to  be  transmitted  to 
the  General  Court  at  its  session  in  October. 

The  answers  were  soon  after  printed  in  London,  under 

1  Given  in  Trumbull's  Hist,  of  Conn.,  I.,  316,  and  317.— Tk. 


NEW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY.  171 

tlie  significant  title:  "A  disputation  concerning  church 
members  and  their  children."  The  result  of  the  discus- 
sions is  expressed  in  the  following  words :  "It  is  the  duty 
of  infants,  who  confederated  in  their  parents,  when  grown 
up  unto  years  of  discretion,  though  not  fit  for  the  Lord's 
Supper,  to  own  the  covenant  they  made  with  their  parents, 
by  entering  thereunto  in  their  own  persons ;  and  it  is  the 
duty  of  the  churches  to  call  upon  them  for  the  perform- 
ance thereof  and  if  being  called  upon,  they  shall  refuse 
the  performance  of  this  great  duty,  or  otherwise  continue 
scandalous,  they  are  liable  to  be  censured  for  the  same  by 
the  church.  And  in  case  they  understand  the  grounds  of 
religion,  and  are  not  scandalous,  and  solemnly  own  the 
covenant  in  their  own  persons,  wherein  they  give  up  them- 
selves and  their  children  unto  the  Lord,  and  desire  baptism 
for  them,  we  see  not^  sufficient  cause  to  deny  baptism  unto 
their  children."  We  see  then,  that  all  baptized  persons 
were  to  be  regarded  asynembers  of  the  church,  and  as 
subject  to  its  discipling.J^f  the  privileges  attached  to 
this  relation,  participation  in  the  Supper  is  alone  mthheld 
from  them  in  express  words.  But  the  claim  to  a  share  in 
tlie  choice  of  ministers,  put  forth  by  the  disaffected,  re- 
ceived an  answer  in  general  terms,  more  favorable  to  this 
party  than  a  decision  which  was  made  at  a  later  period. 
It  was  to  this  effect :  "  That  though  it  was  the  right  of  the 
brotherhood  to  choose  their  pastor,  and  though  it  was 
among  the  arts  of  Antichrist  to  deprive  them  of  that 
power,  yet^they  ought  to  have  a  special  regard  to  the 
baptized,  by  the  covenant  of  God  under  their  watch." 

Thus  had  the  S}Tiod  struck  out  a  middle  course  for  the 
removal  of  the  difficulties  which  had  arisen.     The  wishes 

1  In  Backus,  I.,a32,  we  here  find,  in  parenthesis,  the  words:  "with  due 
reference  to  any  godly  learned  that  may  dissent" 


172  NEW   ENGLAND   THEOCKACY. 

of  those  who  feared  or  disliked  the  strictness  of  Congre- 
gationalism, had  prevailed.  Without  examination  on  the 
part  of  the  church,  and  without  any  statement  in  regard 
to  their  spiritual  condition,  they  were  church-members; 
civil  rights  could  no  longer  be  withheld  from  them,  and 
their  children  were  allowed  the  privilege  of  baptism.  On 
the  other  hand,  a  distinction  was  made  between  such  per- 
sons and  members  in  full  fellowship,^  for  which,  as  also  for 
admission  to  the  Supper,  the  earlier  requisitions  remained 
in  force.  But  although  a  large  number  of  persons,  indeed 
the  great  majority  of  the  people  of  New  England  at  that 
time,  might  be  extremely  pleased  with  this  conclusion,  it 
encountered  a  powerful  opposition.  Not  only  many  min- 
isters, but,  more  particularly,  the  churches  saw  in  such  a 
modification  of  their  hitherto  elementary  articles,  an  inno- 
vation which,  as  being  irreconcilable  with  the  principles  of 
Congregationalism,  must  lead  to  its  destruction!  But 
before  we  trace  the  farther  consequences  of  this  c^flict  in 
general,  we  will  present  the  result  of  the  above-mentioned 
decision  on  the  special  case  which  had  occasioned  tlie 
calling  of  the  Synod. 

So  far  were  the  conclusions  of  the  council  from  pro- 
ducing peace  and  quiet  in  the  Hartford  church,  that  the 
strife  assumed  a  still  more  decided  form.  The  stricter 
party  now  separated  wholly  from  the  Hartford  church,  and 
from  its  minister  Mr.  Stone,  and  connected  themselves 
wdth  the  church  in  the  neighboring  town  of  Wethersfield. 
On  the  other  side.  Stone  and  the  Hartford  chu»ch  thought 
themselves  justified  in  the  exercise  of  church  discipline, 
and  proceeded  to  the  infliction  of  ecclesiastical  penalties. 
The  whole  colony  being  in  a  state  of  excitement  which 
threatened  to  rise  still  higher,  the  General  Court,  March 

1  In  distinction  from  members  of  the  half-way  covenant. 


NEW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY.  173 

11th,  1658,  interposed  by  an  Act,  forbidding  all  farther 
action  by  the  church  at  Hartford  against  those  who  had 
withdrawn ;  as  also  the  completion  by  the  latter  of  con- 
nection with  any  other  church,  till  the  existing  difficulty 
should  be  settled  in  some  way  appointed  by  the  Court. 
As  the  first  step,  the  elders  of  the  colony  were  desired  to 
come  together ;  if  this  was  done,  which  seems  not  how- 
ever to  have  been  the  case,  it  was  without  effect.  As  little 
success  attended  another  effort  of  the  Court  for  reconciling 
the  disaffected,  by  conferences  with  influential  and  distin- 
guished men.  With  equal  tenacity.  Stone  and  the  church 
adhered  to  their  opinion,  and  in  May  1658  presented 
to  the  General  Court  a  complaint  against  the  seceders. 
The  Court  did  not  favor  ^is  stop,  but  proposed  a  mutual 
conference,  in  which  each  side  should  be  represented  by 
three  ministers  who  had  taken  no  part  in  the  controversy ; 
if  either  party  refused  to  choose  elders  for  this  purpose, 
the  Court  would  choose  for  them.  This  was  in  fact  done 
for  Mr.  Stone  and  the  church,  while  the  aggrieved  breth- 
ren chose  for  themselves ;  but  this  refusal  of  the  church  to 
concur  prevented  the  meeting  of  the  councij.  Thereupon 
the  General  Court  resolved,  March  1659,  to  return  to  their 
earlier  plan,  and  invited  ministers  and  elders  from  six 
churches  in  Massachusetts,  to  visit  Hartford  the  following 
June.  They  complied  with  the  request,  and  exerted  them- 
selves in  the  most  earnest  manner,  to  allay  the  animosity. 
Although  they  did  not  effect  a  reconciliation,  yet  they 
succeeded  in  producing  a  better  state  of  feeling  than  had 
existed  for  years.  This  good  result  being  perceived  by 
the  General  Court,  they  invited  the  same  ministers  to 
come  again  to  Hartford  in  August,  and  at  the  same  time, 
ordered  that  the  points  of  complaint  against  the  seceding 
brethren  should  be  drawn  up  for  their  consideration  and 

15* 


174  NEW   ENGLAND   THEOCRACY. 

answer ;  and  that  both  parties  should  submit  to  their  judg- 
ment, which  was  to  be  the  final  decision  on  the  case.  This 
council  did  indeed  so  far  succeed  in  adjusting  differences, 
tjiat  a  separation  of  the  church  was  prevented  for  the 
present.  Some  of  the  most  influential  members  had,  it  is 
true,  died  or  removed  from  the  place ;  but  others  viewed 
the  new  decisions  as  a  departure  from  the  original  princi- 
ples of  Congregationalism,  and  at  a  later  period,  we  see  a 
separation  in  the  church  on  nearly  the  same  grounds.  The 
rise,  progress,  and  settlement  of  these  controversies  exhibit 
the  peculiar  characteristics  of  the  New  England  Church. 
Especially  noticeable  is  the  universal  interest  which  they 
excited.  Not  only  did  the  churches  of  Massachusetts, 
Connecticut,  and  New  Haven  use  their  most  zealous  efforts 
to  effect  a  reconciliation,  but  the  Commissioners  of  the 
United  Colonies  testified  their  heart-felt  sorrow  over  these 
differences,  and  sought  by  friendly  persuasion  to  promote 
peace  and  heal  division.  The  final  result  was  solemnized, 
in  November  1659,  by  a  day  of  public  thanksgiving. 

THE    SYNOD    OF    1662    RE-AFFIRMS    THE   DECISION   OF   THAT  OF  1657. 

But  while  these  things  had  been  progressing,  the  agita- 
tions produced  by  the  decision  of  the  Synod  of  1657  still 
continued.  In  New  Haven,  little  was  felt  of  their  influ- 
ence, since  here  the  original  principles  were  adhered  to  in 
their  full  integrity,  and  that  decision  was  ignored  by  the 
stricter  party.  But  in  Connecticut,  and  especially  in  Mas- 
sachusetts, the  opposition  was  openly  expressed;  for  the 
commissioners  of  both  colonies  had  taken  part  in  the 
Synod,  and  those  who  opposed  the  new  determinations 
were  numerous,  especially  among  the  laity.  The  General 
Court  at  Boston,  alarmed  at  the  symptoms  of  a  general 


NEW   ENGLAND  THEOCRACY.  175 

hipture,  now  summoned  1CG2^. synod  of  all  the  ministers 
of  that  colony,*  which  resulted  in  mosf  important  conse- 
quences  for  the  othei_XQlQiiiea_al8p.  Two  questions  were 
here  proposed,  of  which  the  latter,  the  least  important  for 
the  time,  had  reference  to  the  connection  of  churches 
among  themselves.  It  was  answered  in  conformity  with 
the  platform  of  church  discipline  of  1648;  the  principle 
of  the  independence  of  single  churches  in  respect  to  the 
exercise  of  church  government  was  strictly  adhered  to, 
though  the  connection  and  union  of  churches  was  declared 
to  be  of  beneficial  influence.  The  first  question :  "  Who 
are  the  subjects  of  baptism?"  was  answered  at  length,  as 
follows:  "The  answer  may  be  given  in  the  following 
propositions,  briefly  confirmed  from  the  Scriptures. 

1.  They*  that,  according  to  Scripture,  are  members  of 
the  visible  church,  are  subjects  of  baptism. 

2.  The  members  of  the  visible  church,  according  to 
Scripture,  are  confederate  visible  believers,  in  particular 
churches,  and  their  infant  seed ;  1.  e.  children  in  minority, 
whose  next  parents,  one  or  both,  are  in  covenant. 

3.  The  infant  seed  of  confederate  visible  believers,  are 
Anembere  of  the  same  church  with  their  parents,  and  when 

^ grown  up  are  personally  under  the  watch,  discipline,  and 
government  of  that  church. 

4.  These  adult  persons  are  not  therefore  to  be  admitted 
•  to  full  communion,  merely  because  they  are  and  continue 

members,  without  such  further  qualifications  as  the  word 
of  God  requireth  thereunto. 

5.  Church  members  who  were  admitted  in  minority, 
understanding  the  doctrine  of  faith,  and  publicly  professing 
tlieir  assent  thereto,  not  scandalous  in  life,  and  solemnly 
owning  the   covenant  before   the   church,   wherein   they 

1  Mather,  Book .  p.  62  ff. 


176  NEW   ENGLAND   THEOCRACY. 

give  up  themselves  and  their  children  to  the  Lord,  and 
subject  themselves  to  the  government  of  Christ  in  the 
church,  their  children  are  to  be  baptized. 

6.  Such  church  members  who,  either  by  death  or  some 
other  extraordinary  providence,  have  been  inevitably  hin- 
dered from  public  acting  as  aforesaid,  yet  have  given  the 
church  cause  in  the  judgment  of  charity,  to  look  at  them 
as  so  qualified,  and  such  as  had  they  been  called  thereunto, 
would  have  so  acted,  their  children  are  to  be  baptized. 

7.  The  members  of  orthodox  churches,  being  sound  in  the 
faith  and  not  scandalous  in  life,  and  presenting  due  testi- 
mony thereof,  these  occasionally  coming  from  one  church  to 
another,  may  have  their  children  baptized  in  the  church 
whither  they  come,  by  virtue  of  communion  of  churches ; 
but  if  they  remove  their  habitation,  they  ought  orderly  to 
covenant  and  subject  themselves  to  the  government  of 
Christ  in  the  church  where  they  settle  their  abode,  and  so 
their  children  to  be  baptized ;  it  being  the  church's  duty  to 
receive  such  into  communion,  so  far  as  they  are  regularly 
fit  for  the  same."  This  answer  is  based  on  fellowship  in  the 
church  according  to  the  primitive  principles.  The  children 
of  such  members  are  entitled  to  baptism,  and  remain  under 
the  discipline  of  the  church,  only  they  cannot  (§  5)  partici- 
pate in  the  Lord's  Supper ;  none  the  less,  however,  are  their 
posterity  (§5,  6)  to  enjoy  the  same  privilege  as  themselves. 
There  follows,  as  indicated  at  the  beginning  of  this  an- 
swer, the  confirmation  of  the  several  articles  from  the  Holy 
Scriptures.  After  showing,  with  special  reference  to  the 
covenant  of  circumcision  and  the  promises  of  the  Old  Tes- 
tament, that  all  children  in  a  visible  church  on  earth  are  by 
the  Lord's  appointment  to  be  members  of  the  same ;  it  is 
added  by  way  of  limitation  to  the  second  article,  that  the 
piety  of  ancestors  does  not  suffice,  unless  the  next  parents 
continue  in  covenant.     The  grounds  are  as  follows; 


NEW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY.  177 

"  1.  Because  if  the  next  parent  be  cut  or  broken  off  (Rora. 
11:  17,  19,  20),  the  following  seed  are  broken  off  also 
(Ex.  20 : 5) ;  ^  as  the  Gentile  believing  parents  and  children 
were  taken  in;  so  the  Jews,  parents  and  children,  were 
l)roken  off. 

2.  One  of  the  parents  must  be  a  believer,  or  else  the  chil- 
dren are  unclean  (1  Cor.  7:  14). 

3.  If  children  may  be  accounted  members  and  baptized, 
though  the  next  parents  be  not  in  covenant,  then  the  church 
should  be  bound  to  baptize  those,  whom  she  can  have  no 
power  over  and  no  hope  concerning,  to  see  them  brought 
up  in  the  true  christian  religion,  and  under  the  ordinances ; 
for  the  next  parents  being  wicked  and  not  in  covenant,  may 
carry  away  and  bring  up  their  children  to  serve  other  gods. 

4.  If  we  stop  not  at  the  next  parent,  but  grant  that  ances- 
tors may,  notwithstanding  the  apostasy  of  the  next  parents, 
convey  membership  unto  children,  then  we  should  w^ant  a 
ground  where  to  stop,  and  then  all  the  children  on  the  earth 
should  have  right  to  membership  and  baptism." 

In  the  following  proposition  are  enumerated  the  blessings 
accruing  to  children  through  baptism,  among  which,  that  of 
education  within  the  church  is  particularly  mentioned.  But 
most  clearly  does  the  change  appear  in  the  exposition  of  the 
fourth  proposition,  which  treats  of  the  exclusion  of  such 
members  from  the  Lord's  Supper.  "  The  truth  of  this  de- 
cision "  it  is  said,  "  is  plain  from  1  Cor.  1 1 :  28,  29,  where  it 
is  required  that  such  as  come  to  the  Lord's  Supper,  be  able 
to  examine  themselves,  and  to  discern  the  Lord's  body ;  else 
they  will  eat  and  drink  unworthily,  and  eat  and  drink  dam- 
nation, or  judgment  to  themselves,  when  they  partake  of 
this  ordinance ;  but  mere  membership  is  separable  from  such 

^  **  A  jealous  God,  risiting  the  iniquities  of  the  fathers  upon  the  child- 
ren/' 


178  NEW  ENGLAND   THEOCRACY. 

ability  to  examine  one's  self  and  discern  the  Lord's  body ;  as 
in  the  children  of  the  covenant  that  grow  up  to  years  is  too 
often  seen.  2.  In  the  Old  Testament,  though  men  did  con- 
tinue members  of  the  church,  yet  for  ceremonial  uncleanness 
they  were  to  be  kept  from  full  communion  in  the  holy  things, 
(Levit.  7:  20,  21;  Numb.  9:  6,  7,  and  19;  13,  20).  Yea, 
and  the  priests  and  porters  in  the  Old  Testament  had  spe- 
cial charge  committed  to  them,  that  men  should  not  partake 
in  all  the  holy  things,  unless  duly  qualified  for  the  same,  not- 
withstanding their  membership,  (2  Chron.  23:  19;  Ezek. 
22 :  26;  and  44:  7,  8,  9,  23),  and  therefore  much  more  in 
these  times,  where  moral  fitness  and  spiritual  qualifications 
are  wanting  membership  alone  is  not  sufficient  for  full 
communion.  More  was  required  to  adult  persons  eating 
the  Passover,  than  mere  membership  ;  therefore  so  there  is 
now  to  the  Lord's  Supper.  For  they  were  to  eat  to  the 
Lord  (Ex.  12  :  14),  which  is  expounded  in  2  Chr.  30,  where 
keeping  the  Passover  to  the  Lord  (v.  5),  imports  and  re- 
quires exercising  repentance  (v.  7),  their  actual  giving  them- 
selves up  to  the  Lord  (v.  8),  heart  preparation  for  it  (v.  19), 
and  holy  rejoicing  before  the  Lord  (vv.  21,  22).  See  the 
like  in  Ezra  6 :  21,  22.  3.  Though  all  members  of  the  church 
are  subjects  of  baptism,  they  and  their  children,  yet  all 
members  may  not  partake  of  the  Lord's  Supper,  as  is  fur- 
ther manifest  from  the  different  nature  of  baptism  and  the 
Lord's  Supper.  Baptism  first  and  properly  seals  covenant- 
holiness,  as  circumcision  did  (Gen.  17)  church  membership 
(Rom.  15 :  8),  planting  into  Christ  (Rom.  6)  ;  and  so  mem- 
bers, as  such,  are  the  subjects  of  baptism  (Matt.  28:  19). 
But  the  Lord's  Supper  is  the  sacrament  of  growth  in  Christ, 
and  of  special  communion  with  him  (1  Cor.  10  :  16),  which 
supposeth  a  special  renewing  and  exercise  of  faith  and  re- 
pentance, in  those  that  partake  of  that  ordinance.     Now  if 


NEW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY.  179 

persons  even  when  adult  may  be  and  continue  members,  and 
yet  be  debarred  from  the  Lord's  Supper,  until  meet  qualifica- 
tions for  tlie  same  do  api>car  in  tliem ;  tlien  may  they  also 
(until  like  qualifications)  be  deljarred  from  that  power  of 
\()ting  in  the  church,  which  pertains  to  males  in  full  com- 
munion. It  seems  not  rational  that  those  who  are  not 
themselves  fit  for  all  ordinances,  should  have  such  an  influ- 
ence referring  to  all  ordinances,  as  voting  in  election  of  oflS- 
cers,  admission  and  censures  of  members  doth  import.  For 
how  can  they,  that  are  not  able  to  examine  and  judge 
themselves,  be  thought  able  and  fit  to  discern  and  judge  in 
the  weighty  affairs  of  the  house  of  God  (1  Cor.  11 :  28,  31, 
with  1  Cor.  5:  12)." 

In  settling  the  political  and  ecclesiastical  relations  of  New 
England,  the  relations  and  ordinances  of  the  Old  Testament 
had  often  been  appealed  to  as  authority.  In  the  present 
case  also,  in  the  explanations  to  §  5,  which  treats  of  the 
right  to  baptism,  the  Synod  appeals  to  the  manner  in  which 
persons  acquired  membership  under  the  old  covenant.  Here 
it  is  especially  noteworthy,  how  entirely  was  overlooked 
the  radical  difference  between  the  Jewish  and  the  Congre- 
gational church-constitution ;  for  the  main  condition  of  the 
latter,  evidence  of  the  actual  experience  of  conversion,  was, 
and  in  the  nature  of  the  case  must  be,  wholly  foreign  to 
Judaism.  In  place  of  taking  for  the  starting  point  their 
own  doctrine  respecting  the  Lord's  Supper,  though  lying  at 
the  very  basis  of  what  was  peculiar  in  Congregationalism, 
they  compared  baptism  with  Jewish  circumcision.  The 
church-membership  of  parents  constituted  the  claim  in  both 
cases ;  hence,  as  little  in  the  one  case  as  in  the  other,  should 
children  when  grown  up  cease  to  be  church-members.  The 
qualification  thus  acquired  for  personal  admission  to  church 
privileges  secured  the  same,  moreover,  (§  6)  to  their  pos- 
terity. 


180  NEW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY. 

This  answer  to  the  questions  thus  proposed  to  the  Synod 
was  lionored  with  the  approbation  of  more  than  seven- 
eighths  of  the  assembled  mhiisters.  But,  beside  the  prevail- 
ing opposition  to  it  in  the  churches  themselves,  there  were 
found,  among  the  few  ministers  who  dissented,  men  of 
great  influence,  who  raised  their  voices  powerfully  against 
these  innovations.  Charles  Chauncey,  president  of  Har- 
vard College,  in  a  treatise  which  he  published  on  the  sub- 
ject, took  ground  against  the  Synod.  Of  the  same  mind 
were  Eleazer  Mather,  minister  at  Northampton,  and  In- 
crease Mather,^  (afterwards  the  first  Doctor  of  Theology 
in  New  England,  and  ambassador  of  the  colony  in  London), 
sons  of  Richard  Mather,^  minister  at  Dorchester,  who  was 
himself,  however,  among  the  defenders  of  the  council.  By 
them  and  some  others,  the  remonstrance  of  John  Daven- 
port and  Street  of  New  Haven,  against  the  articles  adopted, 
was  zealously  supported  in  the  Synod.  This  being  without 
eflect,  Davenport  also  came  out  with  a  treatise,  under  the 
title  "Another  essay  for  investigation  of  the  truth,"  to 
which  Increase  Mather  furnished  a  preface.  From  the 
extracts  given  by  Cotton  Mather,  it  appears  that  the  point 
of  view  from  which  the  decisions  of  the  Synod  must  be 
judged,  according  to  the  principles  of  Congregationalism, 
was  exhibited  with  great  clearness  by  its  opponents.  While 
conceding  a  distinction  between  "  mere  and  qualified  mem- 
bership," the  conditions  for  the  latter  are  required  no  less  of 
those  who  are  to  be  baptized  than  of  those  who  desire  ad- 
mission to  the  Lord's  Supper,  A  reply  followed  in  defence 
of  the  conclusions  of  the  Synod,  which  however,  cannot  be 
acquitted  of  the  same  inconsistency  and  departure  from 
original  principles,  before  mentioned.     But  it  is  a  notice- 

1  Father  of  the  author  of  the  Magnolia  Christi  Americana. 

2  Emigrated  from  England  in  1635. 


NEW   ENGLAND  THEOCRACY.  181 

fiible  index  of  the  essential  change  which  had  taken  place  in 
I  New  England,  that  the  large  majority  of  the  ministers  sus- 
tained  the  new  opinions,  which  indeed  soon   obtained  a 
\  fresh  accession  of  adherents.   Even  Increase  Mather  changed 
liis  views,  and  subsequently  published  two  essays  in  defence 
of  the  conclusions  of  the  Synod,  declaring  them  to  be  the 
}  primitive  doctrine  of  the  church  of  New  England,  although 
V  being  a  church  then  but  newly  founded,  its  earlier  practice 
had  been  otherwise. 

POLITICAL   INFLUENCES   FNFAVOHABLB    TO    THE    THEOCBACT. 

Through  peculiar  circumstances,  the  General  Court  of 
Connecticut  was  prevented  from  adopting  at  once  the 
conclusions  set  forth  by  the  Synod,  though  from  the  stand 
it  had  previously  taken,  it  appears  to  have  been  decidedly 
inclined  to  a  change  of  the  early  Congregationalist  princi- 
ples. Soon  after  the  accession  of  Charles  Second,  this 
colony  had  sent  Winthrop,  its  Governor,  to  London  for  the 
purj:)ose  of  obtaining  a  definite  royal  charter,  their  Consti- 
tution having  hitherto  had,  in  fact,  a  very  insecure  basis.^ 
Through  the  skill  and  activity  of  this  ambassador  the  king 
was  induced  to  declare  the  colony,  April  20,  1662,  an  in- 
corporated body  politic,  under  the  title :  The  Governor  and 
Company  of  the  English  Colony  of  Connecticut  in  New 
England  in  America.  This  charter  expressly  confirmed 
to  the  Government  the  rights  of  sovereignty  hitherto  exer- 
cised ;  the  magistracy  was  to  be  annually  elected  by  the 
free  citizens,  whose  privileges  were  to  be  enjoyed  by  every 
free  bom  Englishman.  But,  at  the  same  time,  it  was 
directed  that  New  Haven  should  be  united  to  Connecti- 
cut.    This  colony  had  incurred  the  royal  displeasure,  by 

1  See  p.  78. 
16 


182  NEW  ENGLAND   THEOCRACY. 

harboring  certain  of  the  judges  of  Charles  First  con- 
demned to  death  by  parliament;  and  the  more  so,  since 
even  the  magistracy,  if  they  had  not  openly  opposed  the 
search  for  the  regicides,  had  drawn  upon  themselves,  not 
without  reason,  the  suspicion  of  having  favored  their 
escape.  The  accused  colony  was,  moreover,  so  poor  as 
not  to  be  able  at  this  time  to  defray  the  expenses  of  its 
officers,  and  hence,  also,  was  unable  to  send  an  agent  of 
its  own  to  represent  its  interests  in  England.  But  it  was 
none  the  less  disposed,  on  that  account,  to  maintain  its 
former  independence  at  whatever  cost.  A  mere  protest 
was  not  deemed  sufficient.  As  Connecticut,  encouraged 
by  individuals  in  the  colony  of  New  Haven  friendly  to 
such  a  union,  had  taken  decided  steps  towards  carrying 
out  the  provisions  of  the  charter,  it  was  resolved  to  repel 
every  act  of  aggression  by  force.  At  the  same  time, 
application  was  made  by  New  Haven  to  the  commissioners 
of  the  four  united  colonies,  and  she  found  here  the  most 
unequivocal  recognition  of  her  rights.  But  besides  the 
wish  to  retain  the  independence  so  long  enjoyed,  there 
was  an  ecclesiastical  interest  for  which  the  ruling  party  in 
New  Haven  were  deeply  concerned.  Here  was  still  exist- 
ing the  theocratic  relation,  which  allowed  only  to  mem- 
bers of  the  church,  and  indeed  only  to  those  in  full  com- 
munion, the  exercise  of  civil  rights.  The  exasperation 
increased  with  the  embarrassments  in  which  New  Haven 
found  herself  involved,  alike  by  want  of  money,  and  by 
the  influence  of  a  not  inconsiderable  party  who  favored 
the  union ;  and  it  was  resolved  to  break  off  all  direct 
negotiations  with  Connecticut.  But  in  the  year  1664, 
there  arrived  in  New  England  royal  commissioners,  whose 
object  was,  in  part,  to  examine  into  the  state  of  the  colo- 
nies ;  in  part,  to  secure  the  subjection  of  New  Amsterdam 


NEW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY.  183 

to  the  crown  of  England;  and  it  was  feared  that  they 
were  armed  with  instructions  of  the  most  dangerous 
character,  in  reference  to  the  hitherto  free  constitutions. 
Massachusetts  herself  now  counselled  compliance,  and 
urged  the  ruinous  consequences  and  at  the  same  time  the 
uselessness  of  farther  resistance,  at  a  time  when  the  colo- 
nies so  much  needed  unity.  As  the  commissioners  of 
the  united  colonies  likewise  recommended  a  friendly  and 
peaceful  union,  and  the  royal  commissioners  insisted  posi- 
tively on  the  provisions  of  the  charter,  New  Haven  at 
length  submitted.  On  the  13th  of  December  16G4,  the 
union  was  assented  to  by  the  General  Court,  not,  however 
without  a  solemn  protest  against  the  invasion  of  their 
rights,  and  the  proceedings  of  Connecticut.  These  are 
indeed,  not  to  be  justified;  yet  the  end  being  gained, 
nothinor  was  left  undone  to  effect  a  thorouorh  reconciliation. 
The  most  influential  citizens  of  New  Haven  were  elected 
to  the  highest  offices,  and  every  Act  which  had  reference 
to  the  quarrel  was  consigned  to  everlasting  forgetfulness. 

These  transactions  furnish  the  explanation  of  the  fact, 
that  Connecticut  did  nothing  in  reference  to  the  result  of 
the  Synod,  but  left  to  the  churches  and  elders  the  adoption 
of  whatever  steps  might  be  necessary.  The  very  general 
opposition  of  New  Haven  to  the  Synod  being  known, 
it  was  held  to  be  in  the  highest  degree  impolitic  to 
strengthen  the  disagreement  by  a  declaration  on  eccle- 
siastical matters.  It  was  not  till  the  union  might  be 
confidently  regarded  as  near  its  consummation,  that  the 
General  Court,  under  date  of  October  13th  1664,  published 
the  following  Act : 

**  This  Court  understanding,  by  a  writing  presented  to 
them  from  several  persons  of  this  colony,  that  they  are 
aggrieved  that  they  are  not  entertained  in  church  fellow- 


184  NEW   ENGLAND   THEOCRACY. 

ship,  this  Court  having  duly  considered  the  same,  desiring 
that  the  rules  of  Christ  may  be  attended,  do  commend  it 
to  the  ministers  and  churches  in  this  colony,  to  consider 
whether  it  be  not  their  duty  to  entertain  all  such  persons, 
who  are  of  an  honest  and  godly  conversation,  having  a 
competency  of  knowledge  in  the  principles  of  religion, 
and  shall  desire  to  join  with  them  in  church -fellowship,  by 
an  explicit  covenant."  After  reciting  the  conclusions  of 
the  Synod,  with  which  we  are  already  acquainted,  the  Act 
concludes :  "  The  Court  desireth  the  several  officers  of  the 
respective  churches  would  be  pleased  to  consider,  whether 
it  be  not  the  duty  of  the  Court  to  order  the  churches  to 
practise  according  to  the  premises  if  they  do  not  practise 
without  such  order.  If  they  dissent  from  the  contents  of 
this  writing,  they  are  desired  to  help  the  Court  with  such 
light  as  is  with  them,  the  next  session  of  this  assembly." 
Here  also  the  new  principles,  though  not  formally  adopted, 
yet  received  a  public  expression;  at  the  same  time  the 
established  theocratic  relation  in  New'  Haven  gave  way 
under  the  pressure  of  political  circumstances. 

In  this  same  period,  the  Theocracy  was  abolished  by 
law  in  Massachusetts.  Already  deprived  by  those  ecclesiasti- 
cal decisions  of  its  proper  significance,  there  came  decrees 
from  another  quarter,  which  severed  the  existing  connec- 
tion between  Church  and  State.  Massachusetts,  after 
receiving  information  of  the  accession  of  Charles  Second, 
had  delayed  proclaiming  him  king.  But,  in  November, 
1660,  having  ascertained  from  reliable  sources  that  the 
political  relations  of  England  were  settled,  and  that  no 
farther  change  in  its  government  was  to  be  expected,  the 
General  Court  resolved  on  a  highly  loyal  address  to  the 
king.  To  this  a  very  gracious  answer  was  returned  on 
the  15th  of  February  1661.     Very  soon  after,  however,  it 


NEW   ENGLAND   THEOCRACY.  185 

was  announced  in  Boston  that  the  existing  relations  of  the 
colony  were  in  danger,  partly  through  the  suspicions  ex- 
cited in  the  royal  party  by  its  previous  policy;  partly 
through  claims  instituted  by  private  persons  on  the  ground 
of  earlier  patents.  The  proclamation  was  now  no  longer 
delayed.  This  being  accomplished  in  August  1661,  it  was 
resolved  to  send  two  delegates  to  London  to  take  in  charge 
the  interests  of  the  colony.  Simon  Bradstreet^  and  the 
Rev.  John  Norton,  w^ho  were  chosen  for  this  purpose, 
found  a  more  favorable  reception  in  England  than  they 
had  anticipated.  The  answer  of  the  king,  communicated 
to  them  on  the  28th  of  June  1662,  contained  a  confirma- 
tion of  the  privileges  of  their  charter,  and  an  amnesty  for 
all  the  past.  But  though  these  general  provisions  occa- 
sioned great  joy  in  the  colony,  there  were  others  at  which 
offence  was  taken.  Even  the  very  natural  requirement, 
that  all  governmental  power  should  be  exercised  and  justice 
administered  in  the  name  of  the  king,  being  something  to 
which  they  were  not  accustomed,  seemed  strange  and 
alarming.  True,  the  Boston  government  complied  thus 
far ;  but  they  could  not  bring  themselves  to  yield  to  the 
demand,  that  "  freedom  and  liberty  should  be  given  to  all 
such  as  desired  to  use  the  book  of  Common  Prayer,  and 
perform  their  devotions  in  the  manner  established  in  Eng- 
land, and  that  they  might  not  undergo  any  prejudice 
thereby;  that  all  persons  of  good  and  honest  lives  and 
conversations  should  be  admitted  to  the  sacrament  of  the 
Lord's  Supper,  according  to  the  Book  of  Common  Prayer, 
and  their  children  to  baptism ;  that  in  the  choice  of  gov- 
ernor and  assistants,  the  only  consideration  should  be  of 
tlie  wisdom,  \'irtue  and  integrity  of  the  persons  to  be 
chosen,  and  not  of  any  faction  with  reference  to  opinions 

1  See  p.  131. 
16* 


186  NEW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY. 

and  outward  profession;  that  all  freeholders  of  competent 
estates,  not  vicious  etc.,  though  of  different  persuasions  con- 
cerning church  government,  should  have  their  votes  in  the 
election  of  all  officers,  civil  and  military." 

Indeed  a  general  dissatisfaction  with  the  result  of  the 
embassy  soon  began  to  manifest  itself  The  benefits  secured 
were  forgotten,  and  the  manifold  difficulties  with  which  the 
delegates  had  to  contend  were  overlooked ;  and  in  such  a 
manner  did  the  discontent  express  itself,  that  Norton,  soon 
after  his  return  from  England,  died  of  grief  The  opposition 
towards  the  mother  country  was  still  more  increased,  when 
the  deprivation  of  the  nonconforming  clergy  of  the  Episco- 
pal Church,  on  the  26th  of  August  1662,  drove  many  of 
these  to  New  England,  and  awakened  here  the  apprehen- 
sion of  restraints  on  freedom  of  conscience.  The  alarm 
rose  to  the  highest  pitch  on  the  intelligence,  received  in  the 
spring  of  1664,  that  ships  of  war  were  on  their  way  with 
commissioners  from  the  king.  It  was  resolved  to  put  in 
order  all  the  means  of  defence,  a  measure  which  was  of 
course  merely  intended  to  prevent  the  disorders  apprehend- 
ed from  the  troops  ;  and  a  day  of  general  fasting  and  prayer 
was  appointed.  On  the  23d  of  July  the  squadron  appeared 
before  Boston,  bringing  four  royal  commissioners,  viz. 
Colonel  Richard  Nicholas,  George  Cartwright,  Esq.,  Sir 
Robert  Carr,  and  Samuel  Maverick,  Esq.,  son  of  one  of  the 
petitioners  of  the  year  1646.^  After  laying  their  creden- 
tials before  the  government,  they  made  known  a  part  of 
their  instructions  in  respect  to  the  attack  on  New  Amster- 
dam, and  desired  a  reinforcement  of  troops.  The  General 
Court  being  convened  on  the  3d  of  August,  the  commis- 
sioners, about  to  take  their  departure,  gave  notice  that  on 
their  return  from  Manhadoes  they  should  have  many  ad- 

1  See  p.  139. 


NEW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY.  187 

ditional  communications  to  moke,  and  urged  a  farther  con- 
sideration of  the  royal  epistle  of  June  28th  1662.  The 
General  Court  granted  two  hundred  men  at  the  expense 
of  the  colony ;  but  the  march  was  forestalled  by  the  capi- 
tulation  of  New  Amsterdam  on  the  27th  of  August  1664. 
In  accordance  with  the  king's  letter,  the  law  respecting 
admission  to  citizenship  was  abrogated  and  another  passed, 
whereby  "English  subjects,  being  freeholders,  reliable  to  a 
certain  value,  certified  by  the  ministers  of  the  place  to  be 
orthodox  and  not  vicious  in  their  lives,  were  allowed  to  be 
made  freemen,  although  not  members  of  the  church."  Thus 
was  the  dissolution  of  the  Theocracy  declared  by  law,  and 
this  relation  was  abolished  for  all  New  England.  When  the 
royal  commission  made  a  similar  demand  of  New  Pl}^u- 
outh,  the  General  Court  of  that  colony  replied,  "  we  do  con- 
sent, it  having  been  our  constant  practice  to  admit  men  of 
competent  estates  and  civil  conversation,  though  of  difierent 
judgments,  to  be  freemen,  and  to  have  liberty  to  choose 
and  be  chosen  officers  both  civil  and  military." 

Before  we  proceed  to  describe  the  consequences  to  the 
church,  of  this  alteration  of  the  principles  of  Congregation- 
alism, and  of  the  Theocracy,  something  farther  will  be 
mentioned  of  the  transactions  of  the  royal  commissioners 
with  the  General  Court  of  Boston.  The  Court  was  obliged 
to  defend  the  privileges  of  its  charter  against  claims  of  the 
most  diverse  character.  Its  firmness  was  especially  mani- 
fested, when  the  commissioners  attempted  to  constitute 
themselves  a  court  of  appeal  in  certain  criminal  cases,  and 
even  cited  the  government  to  answer  before  them.  So 
likewise  it  was  maintained  with  unyielding  determination, 
that  the  demand  to  admit  to  the  Lord's  Supper  such  as 
had  not  been  tested,  must  be  committed  to  the  decision  of 
the  church.    New  Plymouth  took  the  same  ground  on  this 


188  NEW  ENGLAND   THEOCRACY. 

point,  though  in  other  respects  this  colony  showed  itself 
more  compliant.  The  eastern  provinces  of  "New  Hamp- 
shire and  Maine  were  visited  by  all  the  commissioners, 
except  Mchols,  whose  greater  moderation  in  all  respects 
secured  the  popular  regard,  and  who  subsequently  main- 
tained, as  Governor  of  New  York,  a  friendly  intercourse 
with  Massachusetts.  On  their  return  to  Boston,  the  Gen- 
eral Court  declared,  that  the  exercise  of  the  rights  of  sover- 
eignty in  those  eastern  provinces  tended  to  the  disturbance 
of  the  public  peace,  and  they  desired  a  conference  on  this 
account  with  the  commissioners.  To  this  Carr  replied, 
that  the  king's  pardon  for  what  had  passed  during  the  last 
rebellion  was  only  conditional,  and  rested  on  the  future 
good  conduct  of  the  colony ;  even  adding  the  threat,  that 
the  leaders  and  originators  of  all  those  acts  of  resistance, 
were  exposed  to  the  same  penalties  which  had  fallen  upon 
so  many  in  England  who  had  shared  in  the  rebellion.  The 
General  Court  thereupon  broke  off  all  negotiations.  In 
accordance  with  the  reports  of  the  commissioners,  both 
Plymouth^  and  Connecticut^  received  royal  letters  of  com- 
mendation, in  which  their  loyal  behavior  was  extolled  as 
being  set  off  with  special  lustre  by  the  contrary  deport- 
ment of  Massachusetts.  The  king,  in  a  letter,  charged  the 
latter  colony  with  suspicious  and  contumacious  proceed- 
ings ;  his  final  decision,  however,  he  proposed  to  suspend, 
and  desired  that  Massachusetts  should  send  five  delegates 
to  London  to  defend  her  cause,  two  of  whom  were  desig- 
nated by  name.  But  the  General  Court  thought  the  affair 
had  been  already  so  clearly  explained,  that  it  could  not  be 
done  better.  The  interference  on  the  part  of  the  king, 
which  was  to  have  been  expected,  did  not  follow  at  this 

1  Baylies' Memoir  of  New  Plymouth.       2  Trumbull's  Hist,  of  Conn.  App. 


NEW  BNGLAND  THEOCRACY.  180 

time ;  and  the  colony  sought  in  various  ways,  by  the  trans- 
mission of  a  large  amount  of  provision  to  the  royal  fleet,  as 
M-ell  as  of  money  to  London  after  the  great  fire,  and  by  a 
cargo  of  masts,  sixteen  hundred  pounds  sterling  in  value, 
to  regain  his  favor.  But  an  unmistakable  alienation  had 
commenced,  which  led  the  king  subsequently  to  adopt  de- 
cisive measures.  It  had  lasted,  though  with  many  inter- 
ruptions, through  an  entire  century,  when  a  more  impor- 
tant interest  thrust  into  the  background  all  the  jealousies 
between  the  mother  country  and  the  colonies;  but  at 
length,  it  manifested  itself  fully  developed,  and  resulted  in 
a  total  separation.  To  the  church,  this  state  of  things  was 
of  no  small  importance,  since  it  involved  the  sympathies 
and  interests  of  the  inhabitants  to  such  a  degree,  as  to  con- 
tribute essentially  to  promote  the  change  in  belief  and  life 
which  followed  the  change  in  church-discipline. 

The  ecclesiastical  events  of  the  succeeding  period  are 
neither  of  so  general  importance,  nor  so  characteristic  in 
themselves.  Its  earlier  portion  still  exhibits  manifold  reac- 
tionary influences  from  the  preceding  period;  the  latter 
2)ortion  shows  an  almost  universal  declension.  The  former 
will  form  the  subject  of  the  seventh,  the  latter,  of  the 
eighth  chapter. 


CHAPTEE    VII. 

EEACnONARY  INFLUENCES  PROCEEDING   FROM  THE  CONGREGA- 
TIONALIST  THEOCRACY,  AFTER  ITS  ABROGATION. 

OPPOSITION  TO  THE  ESTABLISHMENT   OP  THE   THIRD   CHURCH   IN   BOS- 
TON ON  THE  NEW  PRINCIPLE  OP  CHURCH-MEMBERSHIP. 

So  deeply  rooted  in  New  England,  from  the  beginning, 
•was  the  original  principle  of  Congregationalism  in  refer- 
ence to  church-membership,  that  it  could  still  boast  its 
decided  adherents,  even  after  the  determinations  of  the 
synods.  These,  although  desired  and  sought  for  by  the 
majority  of  the  inhabitants,  as  well  as  favored  and  defended 
by  the  greater  part  of  the  clergy,  found  in  many  churches 
a  vigorous  resistance.  Nor  did  it  stop  with  the  adoption 
and  expression  of  the  dissenting  opinions  by  individuals. 
Controversies  arose,  which  in  both  the  chief  towns  of  the 
colonies,  Boston  and  Hartford,  led  to  division,  and  the  for- 
mation of  separate  churches. 

There  were  in  Boston  a  considerable  number  of  church- 
members,  who,  in  opposition  to  the  synodial  decisions,  held 
that  only  members  in  full  fellowship  should  be  admitted  to 
the  church.  But  their  minister,  John  Wilson,  who  came 
to  New  England  so  early  as  the  year  1630,  and  had  exer- 
cised his  office  in  Boston  from  the  time  of  its  settlement, 
took  ground,  as  member  of  the  Synod  of  1662,  in  favor  of 
the  innovations  there  determined  on ;  and  the  weight  of 


NBW  ENGLAND   THEOCRACY.  191 

his  influence  had  repressed  the  expression  of  opposition. 
At  his  death,  in  1667,  the  church  seemed  indisposed  to 
replace  him  by  a  young  man ;  but  desired  one  who  had 
received  his  training  in  England,  and  who  had  developed, 
through  a  long  ministry,  special  gifts  for  the  office.  There 
were  few  who  could  meet  these  requirements.  The  choice 
fell  on  John  Davenport  of  New  Haven.  Evidently  this 
measure  originated  with  the  party  who  adhered  to  the 
practice  of  former  times ;  but  in  selecting  a  man  so  hon- 
ored and  distinguished  throughout  New  England,  they  had 
also  in  view  an  easier  victory  over  the  opposition  which 
was  to  be  expected.  This  did  not  fail  to  show  itsel£ 
Thirty  members  of  the  church  declared  themselves  against 
the  choice  in  terms  as  follows :  ^  "  We  should  walk  con- 
trary to  Rev.  3:  3,  not  holding  fast  what  we  have  re- 
ceived ;  nor  should  we,  as  we  have  received  Christ  Jesus 
the  Lord,  so  walk  in  him.  It  (the  doctrine  of  the  synod) 
having  been  a  received  and  a  professed  truth  by  the  whole 
body  of  the  church,  who  have  voted  it  in  the  affirmative, 
and  that  after  much  patience  with  and  candor  towards  those 
that  were  otherwise  minded;  divers  days  having  been 
spent  about  this  great  generation-truth^  which  since  hath 
been  confirmed  by  the  sjTiod.  Full  liberty  hath  also  been 
granted,  unto  those  who  scrupled,  to  propose  their  ques- 
tions ;  and  they  were  answered  with  such  public  satisfac- 
tion, that  those  few  who  remained  unsatisfied,  promised  to 
sit  down  and  leave  the  body  to  act,  excepting  one  or  two. 
Accordingly,  there  was  an  entrance  upon  the  work ;  but 
the  Lord  lay  it  not  to  the  charge  of  those  that  hindered 
progress  therein,  which,  with  great  blessing  and  success, 
has  been  and  is  practised  in  neighbor  churches." 

The  others  persevered,  however,  and  carried  the  resolu- 

1  Mather,  Book  V.  p.  82. 


192  NEW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY. 

tion  to  call  Mr.  Davenport,  by  a  considerable  mnjority. 
He  was  now  in  his  seventieth  year.  Thirty  years  had  he 
labored  in  his  church,  and  had  gained  for  himself  universal 
esteem  and  affection.  It  is  not  strange,  therefore,  that 
opposition  was  made  to  his  dismissal.  There  was  indeed 
good  ground  for  lamenting  the  separation  ;  for  there  was 
not  a  minister  now  left  in  New  Haven  except  Mr.  Street, 
the  co-pastor  of  Mr.  Davenport;  and  after  his  death  in 
1674,  it  was  eleven  years  before  the  town  succeeded  in 
choosing  another.  Davenport  having  come  to  Boston, 
twenty-eight  members  of  his  church  requested  to  be  dis- 
missed from  the  connection,  in  order  to  constitute  a  new 
church.  This  was  unanimously  refused  by  the  officers. 
The  dissenting  brethren  hereupon  called  a  council  of  the 
neighboring  churches,  and  in  accordance  with  their  advice 
proceeded,  after  two  meetings  held  for  the  purpose  in 
Charlestown  on  the  12th  and  16th  of  May  1669,  to  organ- 
ize themselves  into  a  separate  church,  under  the  name  of 
the  "  Third  Church  in  Boston."  In  their  covenant  they 
thus  speak :  "  And  for  the  furtherance  of  this  blessed  fel- 
lowship, we  do  likewise  promise  to  endeavor  to  establish 
among  ourselves  and  convey  down  to  our  posterity,  all  the 
holy  truths  and  ordinances  of  the  gospel  committed  to  the 
churches  in  faith  and  observance,  opposing  to  the  utmost 
of  our  church  power  whatsoever  is  diverse  therefrom,  or 
contrary  thereunto." 

About  the  same  time,  seventeen  ministers,^  probably  the 
members  of  the  above-mentioned  council,  publicly  declared 
their  dissatisfaction  with  the  conduct  of  the  majority  of  the 
old  church.  This  step  had  reference  to  the  manner  of 
Davenport's  dismission  from  New  Haven,  which  being 
expressed  in  somewhat  vague  terms,  had  not  been  fully 

1  Among  the  number  was  Increase  Mather. 


NE\y   ENGLAND   THEOCRACY.  193 

communicated  to  the  church  by  the  ruling  elder.  The 
church  published  a  defence  against  this  charge,  which, 
however,  soon  ceased  to  excite  attention ;  the  disagree- 
ment in  reference  to  the  synodial  conclusions  being  the 
true  point  of  controversy.  This  was  not  settled  by  the 
death  of  Davenport  which  soon  followed.  Measures  being 
taken  by  the  Third  Church  to  erect  a  meeting-house,  loud 
opposition  was  made  to  it  on  the  side  of  the  magistracy. 
Governor  Bellingham,  who  was  a  member  of  the  First 
Church,  called  together  the  council  of  the  colony,  "fear- 
ing," as  he  declared  in  the  order,  "  a  sudden  tumult,  some 
persons  attempting  to  set  up  an  edifice  for  public  worship, 
which  was  apprehended  by  authority  to  be  detrimental  to 
tlie  public  peace."  But  the  council  resolved  not  to  inter- 
fere; but  "if  any  had  offended  against  the  laws,  they 
advised  to  proceed  against  them  in  a  due  course  of  law. 
Those  who  were  about  to  erect  a  new  meeting-house,  must 
observe  the  laws  and  orders  of  the  General  Court."  On 
application  of  the  new  church  to  the  selectmen  of  the 
town,  it  was  voted  July  2Gth  1669,  that  there  was  certainly 
need  of  a  new  meeting-house.  But  the  opposers  of  the 
synodial  conclusions  had  this  year  a  majority  in  the  Gen- 
eral Court.  At  the  May  session,  1670,  a  committee  was 
appointed  "  to  enquire  into  the  prevailing  evils  which  had 
been  the  cause  of  the  displeasure  of  God  against  the  land." 
In  the  report  brought  in  by  this  committee,  they  refer  to 
"  declension  from  the  primitive  foundation  work,  innova- 
tion in  doctrine  and  worship,  opinion  and  practice,  an 
invasion  of  the  rights,  liberties,  and  privileges  of  the 
churches,  an  usurpation  of  lordly  and  prelatical  power  over 
God's  heritage,  a  subversion  of  gospel  order;  and  all 
this  with  a  dangerous  tendency  to  the  utter  devastation 
of  these  churches,  turning  the  pleasant  gardens  of  Christ 

17 


194  NEW   ENGLAND   THEOCRACY. 

Into  a  wilderness,  and  the  inevitable  and  total  extirpation 
of  the  principles  and  pillars  of  the  Congregational  way." 

That,  in  alleging  this  as  the  peculiar  evil  of  the  time, 
they  intended  to  designate  the  new  church  and  those  min- 
isters who  had  given  their  assent  to  its  organization,  is 
clear  from  the  conclusion  of  the  report,  which  mentions  by 
name  "  the  late  transaction  of  churches  and  elders  in  con- 
stituting the  Third  Church  in  Boston,  as  irregular,  illegal, 
and  disorderly."  The  adoption  of  the  report  by  the  Court 
increased  the  general  public  agitation.  But  at  the  next 
election,  thirty  out  of  the  fifty  members  of  the  Plouse  of 
Deputies,  were  not  reelected;  a  change  unprecedented 
hitherto,  but  in  consequence  of  which,  a  wholly  different 
view  must  necessarily  predominate  in  the  assembly  of  these 
popular  representatives,  especially  as  some  of  the  reelected 
were  probably  adherents  of  the  synodial  determinations. 
Fifteen  ministers  now  presented  an  address  complaining  of 
the  imputations  cast  upon  them  in  that  report,  and  which, 
they  maintained,  were  the  work  of  a  party  who  wished  to 
hinder  the  formation  of  the  Third  Church.  After  calling 
attention  to  the  injurious  influence  of  such  a  course  upon 
the  public  mind  and  upon  the  labors  of  the  ministry,  they 
desired  the  Court  to  grant  them  redress,  by  requiring  either 
a  public  vindication  or  a  general  synod.  In  its  reply,  the 
Court  asserted  its  exemption  from  question  by  any  jDcrson, 
for  acts  passed  by  its  authority,  as  well  as  its  indubitable 
right  to  freedom  of  debate ;  but  acknowledged  that  in  an 
hour  of  temptation  an  act  might  jiass  in  one  Court  which, 
"  according  to  principles  of  religion,  prudence  and  state- 
interest,  might  be  reviewed  and  upon  mature  deliberation 
be  rectified  by  another.  In  respect  to  the  case  under  con- 
sideration, the  Court  hold  it  its  duty  to  declare,  that  sev- 
eral expressions  in  the  votes  referred  to  in  the  petition 


NEW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY.  196 

appeared  exceptionable."  It  was  therefore  ordered  that 
all  papers  relating  to  these  mattera  should  be  regarded  as 
cancelled,  and  not  be  used  against  the  reverend  elders  as 
having  been  the  cause  of  God's  displeasure  against  the 
country.  The  Court  furthermore  declared  their  adherence 
to  the  original  objects  of  their  emigration,  and  to  the  sober 
pj-inciples  of  Congregationalism  and  the  practice  of  their 
churches,  "in  their  purest  and  most  athletic  constitution." 
But  in  spite  of  these  last  words,  it  is  manifest  from  their 
decision  that  the  new  principles  had  achieved  no  doubtful 
victory.  The  Third  Church  soon  after  erected  its  place  of 
woi-ship,  and  was  favored  with  an  unusual  degree  of  pros- 
perity. Its  request  for  recognition  and  fellowship  by  the 
First  Church  was,  indeed,  many  times  refused.  But  in  the 
year  1682,  the  latter,  alanned  by  the  increasing  danger  of 
encroachments  on  the  civil  liberties  of  New  England,  and 
by  the  efforts  of  the  governor  to  procure  the  erection  of  an 
English  church,  itself  proposed  to  the  sister-church  to  for- 
give and  forget  the  past ;  and  a  solemn  reconciliation  took 
place.^  The  First  Church  remained,  nevertheless,  stead- 
fast in  its  principles;  and  it  was  not  till  1730,  that  it 
resolved  to  "  conform  to  the  general  practice,  that  is  to  say, 
of  admitting  members  on  the  half-way  covenant,"  which 
had  been  the  usage  of  the  second  church  in  Boston  since 
the  year  1675. 

1  XSUCCESSFCL  ATTEMPT   IX    CONNECTICUT    TO    INTBODCCE   THE    PRES- 
BYTERIAN  CHDBCH-COX8TITUTION. 

In  Connecticut  also,  the  new  principle  had  to  contend 
with  much  opposition,  although  here  the  proper  issue  had 

1  These  occurrences  are  given  at  large  by  Hutchinson,  I.,  247  If.  ;  sep- 
arately narrated,  with  very  important  additions,  by  Benjamin  Wisner  in 
his  History  of  the  Old  South  Church  in  Boston,  1830. 


196  NEW  ENGLAND   THEOCRACY. 

given  place  to  another,  and  been  lost  sight  of.  Even 
before  these  controversies  had .  broken  out  in  Hartford  and 
other  places,  an  attempt  on  the  part  of  the  government  had 
been  witnessed,  which  endangered  the  other  original  prin- 
ciple of  Congregationalism.  The  complete  independejice 
of  each  single  church,  in  respect  to  property  and  the 
exercise  of  church-government,  remained  unquestioned  in 
Massachusetts.  We  see  from  the  preceding  narration,  that 
the  opinions  and  acts  of  synods  were  invariably  interme- 
diatory  in  their  character,  and  obtained  recognition  only 
as  such.  In  Connecticut  also,  the  conduct  and  settlement 
of  all  controversies  were  governed  by  the  idea,  that  subor- 
dinacy to  a  higher  ecclesiastical  tribunal  was  a  thing  not 
to  be  admitted.  Hence  such  a  doctrine  could  not  be 
openly  and  explicitly  asserted.  Still,  the  following  may 
be  regarded  as  the  first  step  to  the  measures  subsequently 
adopted  for  this  object. 

Scarcely  was  the  first  excitement  consequent  upon  the 
union  with  Kew  Haven  allayed,  than  the  General  Court 
took  into  serious  consideration  the  final  termination  of 
the  still  existing  church  dissensions.  It  was  resolved, 
therefore,  on  the  11th  of  October  1666,  to  call  a  synod, 
wherein  the  questions  to  be  laid  before  the  ministers 
should  be  publicly  discussed,  and  that  under  such  rules  and 
regulations  as  the  synod  should  judge  suitable  to  the  or- 
derly conclusion  of  the  debates.  It  was  accordingly  voted, 
that  the  whole  body  of  ministers  in  the  colony  should 
appear  as  members,  and  four  fi*om  Massachusetts  be  invited 
to  assist;  a  majority  of  the  ministers  of  the  colony  being 
assembled,  they  should  proceed  as  a  synod ;  the  questions 
to  be  submitted  by  the  government  were  to  form  the  sub- 
ject of  discussion.  The  third  Wednesday  in  May  1667  was 
appointed  as  the  day  for  assembling.     But  the  ministers 


NEW  ENGLAND  TUEOCRACY.  197 

took  offence  at  this  order,  regarding  it  as  an  assumption 
on  the  part  of  government,  of  conferring  synodial  power. 
The  Coui-t,  to  escape  the  difficulty,  changed  the  name, 
M:\y  9th,  1G67,  and  called  it  an  Assembly  of  the  ministers 
of  Connecticut;  and  the  meeting  took  place  at  the  ap- 
pointed time.  It  Avas  here  resolved,  after  consideration 
of  the  questions  submitted,  not  to  discuss  them  publicly. 
They  then  adjourned  to  the  autumn,  with  the  purpose  of 
then  reassembling  and  preparing  a  report,  if  such  should 
be  the  wish  of  the  government.  The  adherents  of  the 
synodial  decisions  here  placed  themselves  directly  in  oppo- 
sition to  this  demand  for  new  decisions,  fearing  a  foreio-n 
influence,  whether  from  the  civil  power  or  from  Massa- 
chusetts. The  churches  made  it  known  through  their 
delegates,  that  they  would  maintain  the  right  which  gave 
to  actual  church-members  alone  the  election  of  ministers, 
uncontrolled  by  any  action  of  towns  or  parishes.  The 
original  principles  of  Congregationalism,  moreover,  still 
prevailed  so  generally  in  usage,  that  up  to  this  time  no 
case  had  occurred  of  admission  to  baptism  where  neither 
father  nor  mother  were  actual  church-members.  It  was 
for  the  very  object  of  bringing  the  new  doctrines  into 
practice,  that  the  government  had  invited  the  Massachu- 
setts ministers  to  take  part  in  the  synod.  But  although 
favored  with  a  very  skilful  advocate  of  the  less  rigid  view, 
in  Mr.  Mitchel  minister  at  Cambridge,  the  government 
still  thought  they  had  cause  to  apprehend  a  want  of  cor- 
respondence to  their  wishes  on  the  part  of  the  synod ;  and 
accordingly  formed  the  purpose  of  forestalling  its  proba- 
ble action  at  the  appointed  meeting.  In  September,  the 
commissioners  of  the  united  colonies  met  at  Hartford  and 
adopted  the  following  resolution:  "That  when  questions 
of  public  concernment,  about  matters  of  faith  and  order, 

17* 


198  NEW   ENGLAND   THEOCRACY. 

do  arise  in  any  colony,  the  decision  thereof  shoidd  be  .re- 
ferred to  a  synod,  or  council  of  messengers  of  churches, 
indifferently  called  out  of  the  united  colonies  by  an  orderly 
agreement  of  all  the  General  Courts ;  and  that  the  place  of 
meetinc:  shall  be  at  or  near  Boston." 

Now,  the  opposition  to  the  synodial  conclusions  seems  to 
have  so  fallen  into  the  background,  that  this  party  joined 
with  the  government.  Certain  ministers  of  Connecticut, 
and  indeed  those  who  had  been  most  strict  in  regard  to  the 
admission  of  members,  presented  a  paper  to  the  General 
Court,  requesting  that  a  general  synod  might  be  called,  and 
setting  forth  that  they  had  wished  for  a  public  disputation 
at  the  last  assembly  in  May,  but  had  been  oveiTuled  by  the 
majority.  The  latter,  who  evidently  had  feared  an  influ- 
ence from  without,  in  opposition  to  this  wish  expressed  to 
the  General  Court  their  opinion,  that  such  publicity  would 
not  be  serviceable  to  the  peace  and  edification  of  the 
churches,  or  to  the  general  interests  of  religion  ;  a  decision 
among  themselves,  as  had  been  the  usage  hitherto,  was 
much  to  be  preferred.  They  could  not  but  wonder,  more- 
over, that  certain  ministers  had  demanded  a  general 
council,  when  the  Assembly  by  its  own  resolution  was 
to  meet  again  in  October;  and,  moreover,  many  new 
opponents  of  such  a  proposition  would  be  added  to  the 
former  large  number.  At  the  same  time,  they  assured  the 
Court  of  their  readiness  to  obey  all  lawful  commands,  and 
desired  information  whether  the  Assembly  should  meet 
again  or  not.  The  Government,  in  return,  expressed  the 
wish  that  the  various  churches  of  the  colony  might  send 
their  ministers  to  a  council,  to  be  held  in  common  with 
the  ministers  of  Massachusetts  and  Plymouth.  This, 
probably,  was  a  pretext  adopted  to  hinder  the  reassem- 
bling of  the  Connecticut  synod.     The  object  was  effected, 


NEW    ENGLAND    TIIEOCUACY.  190 

although  the  general  council  was  not  called.  The  Con- 
necticut ministei-s  feared  the  influence  from  Massachusetts; 
"svhile,  on  tlie  otlier  hand,  the  government  miglit  not 
account  that  influence  sufliciently  powerful  and  eflTective 
to  justify  them  in  urging  this  concert  of  measures,  at  the 
risk,  which  was  always  impending,  of  a  wider  division  and 
a  yet  more  decided  resistance. 

But  although  the  attempt  to  bring  about  a  greater 
unity  by  this  means  was  relinquished,  the  Connecticut  gov- 
ernment seems  to  have  been  very  earnestly  engaged  for  se- 
curing such  a  result.  The  design  was  formed  of  a  general 
plan  for  unity  of  discipline  also,  by  which  they  should  be 
guided  notwithstanding  dissimilar  views  on  points  of  minor 
importance.  To  this  end,  four  ministers  w^ere  authorized 
to  meet  together  in  Saybrook,  and  give  their  advice  in  re- 
lation to  the  way  in  which  this  desirable  end  could  be  at- 
tained. But  even  this  preliminary  and  introductory  measure 
failed  for  the  present.  It  was  not  till  many  years  after, 
that  the  government  of  Connecticut  succeeded,  through  the 
Saybrook  Platform,^  in  producing  a  change  in  the  relations 
of  the  churches  to  one  another,  which  approximated  to  the 
l^rinciples  of  Presbyterian  subordination.  It  was  the  ap- 
prehension of  this  which  had  now  called  forth  the  decided 
opposition  of  both  ministera  and  churches.  The  relaxed 
principle  in  reference  to  the  admission  of  church  members, 
however,  found  much  favor ;  in  many  congregations,  the 
other  party  seceded  and  fonned  a  separate  church.  Thus 
also  the  controversies  w^hich  had  been  formerly  settled  in 
Hartford  again  revived,  and  soon  assumed  so  decided  a  form, 
that  tiie  assembly  of  ministers,  convened  on  this  account, 
advised  a  separation;  which  the  government  also  then 
pronounced  admissible.     The  second  church  now  formed 

1  See  Ch.  VIU. 


200  NEW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY. 

in  Hartford  declared,  1670,  in  a  solemn  covenant,  their 
unwavering  adherence  to  primitive  Congregationalism. 
About  the  same  time,  similar  movements  occurred  in  other 
places  in  Connecticut.  But,  gradually,  the  new  j^rinciple 
obtained  universal  currency,  as  indeed  it  favored  the  in- 
terests of  the  majority  of  the  inhabitants,  those  at  least  of 
the  later  immigrants,  who  had  entered  New  England  with 
far  other  than  religious  aims. 

PERSECUTION    OF   ANABAPTISTS  IN  MASSACHUSETTS    IN    1665  AND    THE 
FOLLOWING    TEARS. 

But  this  result  is  also  to  be  ascribed  in  great  part  to  the 
fear  of  Anabaptism,  whose  spread  could  not  but  be  pro- 
moted by  the  denial  of  infant  baptism.  Although  the 
Baptists  living  in  Rhode  Island  had  manifested  in  practice 
none  of  that  hostility  to  all  civil  order  which  had  been 
charged  upon  them,  yet  the  early  prejudice  against  them 
still  continued  in  the  other  colonies.  The  Anabaptists  now 
made  their  appearance  again,  and  founded  churches  both 
in  New  Plymouth  and  Massachusetts ;  but  the  two  colonies 
differed  in  the  policy  observed  tow^ards  them.  At  Reho- 
bothi  in  Plymcdth,  in  the  year  1663,  a  number  of  Baptists 
separated  themselves  from  the  church  there  established, 
and  for  several  years  maintained  themselves,  undisturbed, 
as  a  separate  society.  But  in  1667,  they  were  summoned 
before  the  General  Court,  and  were  fined  for  "  establishing 
public  meetings  without  the  knowledge  and  approbation 
of  the  Court,  to  the  disturbance  of  the  peace  of  the  place." 
They  were  required  to  discontinue  these  meetings  within 
one  month's  time,  as  their  continuance  in  Rehoboth,  being 
very  jirejudicial  to  the  peace  of  the  church  and  the  town, 

1  Backus,  I.,  pp.  3.30  ff.    The  place  was  also  called  Scawek.    See  Neal, 
II.,  232. 


NEW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY.  201 

could  not  be  allowed.  "Yet,"  thus  concludes  this  Act  of 
the  General  Court  of  Plymouth,  "  in  case  they  shall  remove 
their  meeting  into  some  other  place,  where  they  may  not 
])rejudice  any  other  church,  and  shall  give  us  reasonable 
satisfaction  respecting  their  principles,  we  know  not  but 
that  they  may  be  permitted  by  this  goveniment  to  do  so." 
As  the  result  of  this  permission,  these  Baptists  founded  a 
church  in  Swansea  on  the  borders  of  the  colony  of  Rhode 
Island,  and  lived  without  farther  molestation  by  the  gov- 
ernment, under  the  ministry  of  Mr.  Miles,  who  had  fled 
from  Swansea  in  Wales  after  the  Uniformity-Act  of  1662. 
Not  by  so  easy  a  process  did  the  Baptists  in  Massachusetts 
attain  to  a  secure  position  and  permanent  form.  On  the  con- 
trary, they  were  here  obliged  to  maintain  through  a  course 
of  years  a  conflict  with  the  government,  which,  in  spite 
even  of  the  laws  and  of  specific  ordinances,  sustained  itself 
by  the  force  of  public  opinion.  There  had  always  been  in- 
dividuals who  held  to  the  doctrine  that  only  adults  should 
be  baptized.  But  when  the  royal  commissioners^  pro- 
claimed entire  freedom  to  all  parties  and  sects,  the  Baptists 
in  and  around  Boston**  availed  themselves  of  their  presence 
and  constituted  a  church.  It  is  mentioned  in  their  church 
records,  as  follows:  —  "On  the  27th  of  the  third  month' 
1665,  the  church  of  Christ  in  Charlestown,  Massachusetts, 
commonly  (  although  falsely  )  called  Anabaptists,  assembled 
and  entered  into  brotherly  communion  and  fellowship  with 
one  another,  binding  themselves  to  walk  together  in  all  the 

1  See  p.  187. 

s  The  account  which  follows  is  contained  in  ftill,  with  the  documentary 
evidence,  in  Backus,  Vol.  I.,  Chap.  VI.  It  is  also  alluded  to  by  Hutchin- 
son, and  is  briefly  presented  in  Caleb  Snow's  History  of  Boston,  2d  edition, 
182a 

3  The  28th  of  May. 


202                         NEW  ENGLAND   THEOCRACY.  \ 

appointments  of  their  Lord  and  Master,  so  as  it  shall  liavc  • 

pleased  him  to  make  known  to  them  his  mind  and  will  j 

through  his  word  and  his  Spirit."     Four  members,  Gould,  ; 

Osburne,  Drinker,   and  George  by  name,  were  thereupon  \ 

baptized,  five  others  uniting  with  them  who  had  belonged  \ 

to  the  same  party  in  England.     Shortly  after  the  departure  ^ 

of  the  commission,  on  the  20th  of  August  16G5,  an  order  i 

was  issued  by  the  Government  to  the  Charlesto wn  consta-  | 

ble,  that  he  should  endeavor  to  discover  where  these  peo-  J 

pie  assembled,  and  require  them  to  be  present  at  the  estab-  ] 

lished  worship.     On  their  refusal  to  comply  w^ith  this  de-  ] 

mand,  they  were  brought  in  September  before  the  Court  i 

of  Assistants  or  Governor's  Council,  where  they  exhibited  , 

a  confession  of  their  faith,  and  explained  the  points  of  their  ; 

dissent.     But,  not  submitting  to  the  requirement  to  desist  | 

from  their  schismatical  practices,  they  were  cited  before  the  \ 

General  Court  in  October,  which,  after  a  rehearsal  of  their  \ 

views   declared   that  "the  said  Gould  and   company  are  ; 

no  orderly  church  assembly;  that  they  stand  justly  con  vie-  \ 

ted  of  high  presumption   against  the  Lord  and   his   holy  i 

appointment,  as  also  the  peace  of  this  government,  against  I 

which  this  Court  doth  account  themselves  bound  to  God,  ] 

his  trust  and  his  churches  here  planted,  to  bear  their  testi-  \ 

mony,  and  do  therefore  sentence  the  said  Thomas  Gould,  I 

"William  Turner,  Thomas  Osburne,  Edward  Drinker,  and  ; 

John  George,  such  of  them  as  are  freemen,  to  be  disfran-  j 

chized,  and  all  of  them,  upon  conviction  before  any  one  I 

magistrate  or  Court  of  their  further  proceeding  herein,  to  ; 

be  committed  to  prison,  until  the  General  Court  shall  take  > 

further  order  with  them."     One  of  the  spectators  having  | 

remarked  openly :  "  The  Court  has  not  to  do  in  matters  of  \ 

religion,"  he  was  arrested,  and  it  was  only  upon  his  con-  ; 

fession  that  he  saw  his  fault  and  was  sorry  for  it,"  that  he  ; 


NEW   ENGLAND  TIIEOCRACY.  203 

was  dismigsed,  with  an  admonition  by  the  Governor.  In 
April  1666,  tlic  accused  persons  were  again  called  up  on 
the  charge  of  absenting  themselves  from  public  worship. 
When  they  alleged  in  defence  their  attendance  at  their 
own  assemblies,  it  was  construed  as  open  contempt  of  the 
Court,  and  they  were  fined  four  pounds  each.  As  they 
would  neither  pay,  nor  bind  themselves  to  appear  at  the 
next  Court,  they  were  committed  to  prison.  After  some 
time,  they  were  again  dismissed ;  but  several  times  during 
the  next  two  years,  they  were  recommitted  for  the  non- 
payment of  fines  and  for  the  repetition  of  their  offence. 
In  March  1668,  Gould,  the  pastor  of  the  church,  appealed 
from  a  sentence  of  the  county  Court  in  Charlestown  to 
the  General  Court  in  Boston.  It  is  a  singular  fact,  that 
the  jury  sworn  in  this  case  at  first  decided  for  the  rever- 
sion of  the  former  judgment,  but  when  it  was  recommitted 
for  their  farther  consideration,  they  confirmed  it,  though 
under  certain  conditions ;  however,  the  Court  could  now  de- 
cide against  Gould.  At  the  same  time  a  public  disputation, 
with  several  ministers  selected  for  the  j^urpose,  was  granted 
the  Baptists.  The  General  Court,  it  was  said,  held  itself 
bound  by  the  law  of  God  and  of  this  commonwealth,  to 
protect  the  churches  of  Christ  here  planted,  from  the  intru- 
sion thereby  made  upon  their  peace  in  the  ways  of  godliness; 
yet  was  willing,  by  all  christian  candor,  to  endeavor  the 
reducing  of  the  said  persons  from  the  error  of  their  way, 
and  their  return  to  the  Lord  and  the  communion  of  his 
people  from  whence  they  are  fallen.  This  disputation  re- 
sulted as  usual,  and  as  was  to  have  been  expected,  without 
having  effected  any  change  of  views.  But  in  May  of  the 
same  year,  three  of  the  Baptists,  Gould,  Turner  and  Far- 
imm,  were  sentenced  to  quit  the  jurisdiction  on  the  20th 
of  July ;   if  found  therein  after  that  time,  no  bail  was  to 


204  NEW   ENGLAND   THEOCRACY. 

be  accepted,  but  they  were  to  be  forthwith  committed  to 
prison.  Gould,  who  was  in  confinement  at  the  time,  was 
discharged  in  order  that  he  might  fulfil  the  first  part  of 
this  order. 

But  these  measures  had  not  the  eflfect  of  lessening  the 
number  of  their  adherents,  nor  even  of  disposing  the  Bap- 
tists to  remove  voluntarily.  Turner  was  actually  put  in 
prison,  and  Gould  was  searched  for,  but  in  vain.  The 
Baptist  church  then  proceeded  to  assemble  upon  Noddle's 
Island,  in  the  vicinity  of  Boston.  Whether  they  remained 
really  unnoticed,  or  were  purposely  overlooked,  is  uncer- 
tain. Goiild  also  lived  on  this  island,  as  pastor  of  the 
church.  Various  distinguished  persons  interceded  for 
them;  among  them, Lieut-Governor  Leverett  did  not  scru- 
ple to  express  his  dissent  from  the  rigid  views  of  Governor 
Bellingham.  Thirteen  Congregationalist  ministers  of  Lon- 
don also  expostulated  against  the  persecution  in  a  letter,^ 
from  which  we  learn,  moreover,  the  relation  in  which  the 
churches  on  both  sides  of  the  ocean  stood  to  each  other. 

"We  shall  not  undertake  in  the  least,"  —  so  runs  the 
letter,  —  "to  make  any  apology  for  the  persons,  opinions, 
and  practices  of  those  who  are  censured  among  you.  You 
know  our  judgment  and  practice  to  be  contrary  unto  theirs, 
even  as  yours ;  wherein,  God  assisting,  we  shall  continue 
to  the  end.  Neither  shall  we  return  any  answer  to  the 
reason  of  the  reverend  elders,  for  the  justification  of  your 
proceedings,  as  not  being  willing  to  engage  in  the  manage- 
ment of  any  the  least  difference  with  persons  whom  we  so 
much  love  and  honor  in  the  Lord.  But  the  sum  of  all 
which  at  present  we  shall  offer  to  you,  is,  that  though  the 
Court  might  apprehend,  that  they  had  grounds  in  general, 

1  Mather,  Book  VII.  Ch.  4,  §  4. 


NEW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY.  205 

warranting  their  procedure,  in  such  cases,  in  tlic  way 
\\  herein  they  have  proceeded ;  yet  that  they  have  any  rule 
or  command  rendering  their  so  proceeding  indispensably 
necessary,  under  all  circumstances  of  times  or  ])laces,  we  are 
altogether  unsatisfied ;  and  we  need  not  represent  to  you 
how  the  case  stands  with  ourselves,  and  all  your  brethren 
and  companions  in  the  senices  of  these  latter  days  in  these 
nations.  We  are  sure  you  would  be  unwilling  to  put  an 
advantage  into  the  hands  of  some,  who  seek  pretences  and 
occasions  against  our  liberty,  and  to  reinforce  the  former 
rigor.  Now  we  cannot  deny  but  this  hath  already  in  some 
measure  been  done,  in  that  it  hath  been  vogued  that  per- 
sons of  our  way,  principles,  and  spirit,  cannot  bear  with 
dissenters  from  them.  And  as  this  greatly  reflects  on  us, 
so  some  of  us  have  observed  how  already  it  has  turned 
unto  your  own  disadvantage.  We  leave  it  to  your  wisdom 
to  detennine,  whether  under  all  these  circumstances,  and 
sundry  others  of  the  like  nature  that  might  be  added,  it  be 
not  advisable  at  present  to  put  an  end  unto  the  sufferings 
and  confinements  of  the  persons  censured,  and  to  restore 
them  to  their  former  liberty.  You  have  the  advantage  of 
truth  and  order;  you  have  the  gifts  and  learning  of  an 
able  ministry  to  defend  them ;  you  have  the  care  and  vigi- 
lancy  of  a  very  worthy  magistracy  to  countenance  and  pro- 
tect them,  and  to  preserve  the  peace ;  and,  above  all,  you 
have  a  blessed  Lord  and  Master,  who  hath  the  keys  of 
David,  who  openeth  and  no  man  shutteth,  living  forever  to 
take  care  of  his  own  concernments  among  his  saints ;  and 
assuredly  you  need  not  be  disquieted,  though  some  few 
persons,  through  their  own  infirmity  and  weakness,  or 
through  their  ignorance,  darkness  and  prejudices,  should 
to  their  disadvantage,  turn  out  of  the  way  in  some  lesser 
matters,  into  by-paths  of  their  own.     We  only  make  it  our 

18 


206  NEW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY. 

hearty  request  to  you,  that  you  would  trust  God  with  his 
truths  and  ways  so  far,  as  to  suspend  all  rigorous  proceed- 
ings in  corporal  restraints  or  punishments  on  persons  that 
dissent  from  you,  and  practise  the  principle  of  their  dis- 
sent without  danger  or  disturbance  to  the  civil  peace  of 
the  place.     Dated  March  25th  1669." 

This  letter  had  not,  however,  the  results  which  were  to 
be  hoped  for.  On  the  contrary,  several  Baptists  were 
imprisoned  in  the  following  year.  But  in  December  1672, 
Governor  Bellingham,  their  decided  opposer,  died;  his 
successor,  Leverett,  was  successful  in  introducing  a  milder 
policy,  so  that  in  1674  a  Baptist  recorded  that  they  were 
enjoying  their  freedom  in  peace.  Gould  died  in  October 
1675.  Encouraged  by  the  lenient  exercise  of  power  under 
Governor  Leverett,  they  resolved  in  January  1678,  to  erect 
a  place  of  worship  in  Boston.  The  building  was  carried 
forward  so  prudently,  that  no  one  knew  its  object  till  it 
was  completed.  On  the  15th  of  February  1679,  they  first 
met  for  the  celebration  of  divine  worship.  But  they  were 
not  long  undisturbed.  The  leaders  of  the  church  were 
called  before  the  Court  in  May,  and  admonished ;  and  an 
order  was  given  that  no  assemblies  should  be  held  in  a 
house  which  had  been  erected  without  consent  of  the  town 
wherein  it  stands,  on  penalty  that  the  same  shall  be  for- 
feited to  the  use  of  the  public  treasury,  or  shall  be  torn 
down.  The  Baptists  refrained  from  their  assemblies,  till 
the  king  interposed  by  a  letter,  written  July  24th,  1679, 
forbidding  that  any  of  his  subjects,  papists  excepted,  should 
be  subjected  to  punishments  of  any  kind  for  serving  God 
in  their  own  manner.  When,  upon  this,  the  Baptists 
again  ventured  to  come  together,  they  were  again  called 
before  the  Court  and  required  to  desist.  In  March,  1680, 
the  Court  ordered  their  meeting-house  to  be  nailed  up,  and 


NEW  ENGLAND   THEOCRACY.  207 

affixed  to  the  doors  a  placard  with  the  following  words: 
'AH  persons  are  to  take  notice,  that  by  order  of  the  Court, 
the  doors  of  this  house  are  shut  up,  and  that  they  are  in- 
hibited to  hold  any  meeting  therein,  or  to  open  the  doors 
thereof,  till  the  General  Court  take  further  order,  as  they 
will  answer  the  contrary  at  their  peril."  On  the  following 
Sunday,  the  menibei-s  of  the  church  assembled  in  the  meet- 
ing-house yard ;  but  the  next  time  they  found  the  doors 
open,  and  proceeded  to  make  use  of  the  house.  At  the 
session  of  the  next  General  Court,  they  were  again  admon- 
ished, and  required  to  abstain  from  their  assemblies.  But 
this  was,  in  fact,  the  end  of  all  persecution ;  for  as  the  Bap- 
tists suffered  this  order  to  pass  wholly  unnoticed,  so  was  it 
with  them  henceforth,  on  the  part  of  the  government. 

It  was  during  the  very  time  when  these  efforts  were 
made  to  suppress  the  Baptists,  that  the  former  opposition 
to  the  Quakers  reappeared,  a  law  being  passed  in  the  year 
1676^  against  their  meetings.  Since  the  prohibition  of 
King  Charles,  they  could  not  indeed  be  pei-secuted  as 
heretics  and  schismatics ;  but  they  were  punished,  impris- 
oned, and  banished  as  vagabonds.  But  the  opportunity 
and  the  pretext  for  this  mode  of  treatment,  to  which,  it 
must  be  conceded,  their  own  conduct  at  their  first  appear- 
ance gave  occasion,  were  taken  away  when  this  religious 
party  assumed  the  peaceful  form  of  the  Society  of  Friends. 
By  degrees,  interests  of  a  wholly  different  character  arose 
to  claim  the  attention  of  the  New  England  governments, 
which  threw  into  the  back-ground  persecutions  of  every 
kind. 

1  Hatchinson,  I.,  p.  289. 


208  NEW   ENGLAND   THEOCRACY. 

POLITICAL   CAUSES    OF    THE    DECAY     OF    THE     EARLIER    CHURCH-LIFE  ; 

MEASURES     FOR     COUNTERACTING    IT  ;     SYNOD     OF     1C79,    CALLED 

THE    REFORMING    SYNOD. 

Thus  have  we  seen,  that  it  was  a  religious  necessity  which 
gave  occasion  to  the  founding  of  the  Congregationalist 
churches ;  and  farther,  that  it  was  an  absorbing  sympathy 
for  Gospel  and  Church,  which  led  those  pilgrims  to  found  a 
Theocracy  in  New  England.  It  is  not  to  be  denied,  that  in 
the  attempt  to  erect  a  State  which  should  contain  only 
church-members,  —  properly,  indeed,  only  members  of  the 
invisible  church,  —  lay  an  inward  cause  for  that  dissolution 
of  the  relation  which  soon  followed.  But  if  we  review  the 
Theocracy  in  its  course  of  development  and  'abrogation, 
we  cannot  regard  it  as  a  natural  progression  in  the  path 
which  this  church-party  was,  by  virtue  of  its  principles, 
bound  to  traverse.  It  was  not  the  consciousness  that  dis- 
tinct spheres  of  human  development,  or  to  speak  in  their 
own  peculiar  style,  that  diverse  ordinances  of  God,  were 
here  arbitrarily  intermixed  and  entangled  together  in 
their  organization,  in  a  way  only  apparently  conformed 
to  Scripture,  which  led  to  re-consideration  and  discussion. 
It  was  through  an  impulse  from  without ;  through  inter- 
ests, in  part  wholly  distinct  from  the  church,  in  part  only 
extenially  connected  with  it,  that  this  structure,  standing 
unique  and  alone  in  church-history,  received  its  overthrow. 
Half  measures  took  the  place  o|jconsislen$4^mciples ;  and 
when  extending  political  relations  gradually  absorbed  the 
whole  attention  of  the  inhabitants  of  New  England,  there 
could  not  but  follow  a  total  transformation  of  that  origi- 
nal condition,  which,_  sustatned  as  jtl wAS_„by . jcfimarkable 
individualities,  and  stamped  in  noble  institutions,  presents 
n  subject  of  contemplation  to  the  attentive  observer,  in 
ipanifold  respects  equally  instructive  and  delightful. 


NEW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY.  201) 

The  great  Indian  war  under  King  Philip  (1675  and 
lG76),is  to  be  regarded  as  the  specific  juncture  from  which 
this  decay  became  apparent.  The  favorable  termination 
of  that  war  was  purchased  by  fearful  losses.  In  Massa- 
chusetts  and  New  Plymouth,  as  also  in  Rhode  Island,  one 
eleventh  of  the  men  capable  of  bearing  arms  were  dead ; 
and,  according  to  a  moderate  estimate,  one  eleventh  of  all 
the  habitations  were  burnt  down.  Added  to  this,  the 
colonies,  including  also  Connecticut,  which,  directly,  had 
suffered  less  from  the  war,  and  had  contributed  but  a  dis- 
proportionate amount  of  troops,  had  incurred  an  almost 
overwhelming  load  of  debt.  This  war,  moreover,  had 
quashed  the  early  attempts  to  introduce  Christianity 
among  the  Indians,  and  had  caused  an  alienation  whose 
results  are  seen  in  the  subsequent  fate  of  that  unhappy 
race.  During  the  time  when  the  colonies  were  seeking  to 
recover  from  these  disasters,  they  were  all  in  constant 
apprehension  of  measures,  on  the  part  of  England,  which 
threatened  the  continuance  of  their  political  constitution. 
Especially  was  this  the  case  with  Massachusetts.  The 
withdrawal  of  the  settlements  in  New  Hampshire  from 
her  jurisdiction  in  1679,  contrary  to  their  own  wishes, 
could  not  but  be  regarded  as  the  herald  of  steps  which 
were  to  follow.  If  we  take  into  view  the  conflictins:  sen- 
tiraents  of  the  later  immigrants,  the  alteration  in  the 
essential  principles  of  the  church,  the  desolation  of  the 
country,  and  a  constant  solicitude  in  reference  to  its  most 
important  interests,  we  find  a  sufficient  explanation  of  the 
changed  condition  within  the  church.  "We  introduce  into 
the  present  chapter  some  notice  of  this  decline,  on  account 
of  a  reaction  which  attended  its  commencement. 

Although  the  first  generation  had  died  out  even  in  its 
younger  members,  yet  the  earlier  manner  of  judging  of  the 

18* 


210                         NEW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY.  J 

1 

relations  and  events  of  life  had  not  gone  with  them.     It  I 

is  related  that  the  period  following  the  Indian  war  was  \ 
visited  w^ith  scarcity,  losses  at  sea,  and  diseases  of  an  ex- 
traordinary character.  With  the  observation  of  these  ■ 
facts  was  connected  a  consciousness  of  a  decline  in  morals ;  : 
the  two  beinor  viewed  in  reference  to  each  other,  those  j 
misfortunes  were  regarded  as  tokens  of  the  anger  of  God.  ' 
Hutchinson,^  indeed,  remarks  on  the  matter,  that  there 
was  no  evidence  of  any  extraordinary  degeneracy;  but  i 
he  judged  also  of  this  mode  of  thinking  from  a  remote  ; 
period  and  from  a  different  point  of  view.  Meantime,  all  ; 
the  governments  adopted  measures  for  the  removal  of  \ 
these  evils.  Thus  the  government  of  Connecticut,^  imme-  \ 
diately  after  the  close  of  the  war  in  October  1676,  recom- 
mended it  to  the  ministers  of  the  colony,  to  take  special  i 
pains  to  instruct  the  people  in  the  duties  of  religion,  and  \ 
to  stir  up  and  awaken  them  to  repentance,  and  a  general  j 
reformation  of  manners.  They  also  appointed  a  day  of  i 
solemn  fasting  and  prayer,  to  supplicate  the  divine  aid,  j 
that  they  might  be  enabled  to  repent  and  sincerely  amend  i 
their  ways.  The  same  measures  were  recommended  anew  : 
in  May  of  the  following  year,  and  the  people  were  admon-  \ 
ished,  under  a  deep  sense  of  the  abounding  of  sin  and  the  i 
dark  aspects  of  Providence,  to  humble  themselves  before  \ 
God  and  to  call  upon  his  name.  The  laws  enacted  in  | 
New  Plymouth,^  after  the  war,  testify  that  here  was  felt  ] 
a  similar  consciousness  of  decline,  the  remedy  for  which  ] 
was  sought  in  the  same  manner. 

But  more  distinctly  did  the  whole  mental  and  practical  i 

1  Hutch.,  I.  292.        2  Trambixll,  I.,  p.  493.  | 

3  Francis  Baylies's  historical  memoir  of  the  colony  of  New  Plymouth,  i 

Boston :  l&3p,  Part  4,  p.  23  ff.    This  work  contains  a  complete  history  for  j 

the  period  when  this  colony  was  independent.  I 


NEW  ENGLAND  TUEOCRACy.  211 

peculiarity  of  the  §arlier  times  manifest  itself  in  the  meas- 
ures adopted  in  Massachusetts.  After  a  reformation  liad 
been  here  attempted  by  individuals  and  single  churclics, 
but  without  any  general  success,  the  General  Court,  in  the 
year  1679,  called  a  synod^  for  the  discussion  of  the  two  fol- 
lowing questions ;  "  What  are  the  evils  that  have  provoked 
tlie  Lord  to  bring  his  judgments  on  New  England?  And 
what  is  to  be  done,  that  so  these  evils  may  be  reformed  ?  " 
The  synod  met  on  the  10th  of  September,  1679,  in  Boston.* 
After  a  conference  in  reference  to  the  two  questions,  a 
committee  was  chosen  to  draw  up  an  answer,  which  was 
again  reconsidered  and  then  unanimously  voted.  Thirteen 
points  are  alleged  in  answer  to  the  first  question,  wherein 
the  external  providences  are  discussed  with  reference  to 
the  general  apostasy  of  heart  from  God.  From  pride  and 
arrogance  of  heart  has  arisen  dislike  to  the  proper  subordi- 
nation appointed  by  God,  as  well  as  a  general  disposition 
to  contention ;  the  same  crime  displays  itself  also  in  out- 
ward apparel.  The  altered  relations  of  the  church  are 
then  particularly  discussed.  The  neglect  of  church-fellow- 
ship is  lamented,  as  also  that  the  baptized  children  do  not 
strive  to  qualify  themselves  for  full  membership.  On  the 
other  hand,  men  incline  to  human  inventions,  —  the  meet- 
ings of  the  Quakers  and  Anabaptists  being  thus  designated. 
The  name  of  God  is  profaned  by  the  common  use  of  oaths ; 
while  the  Sabbath  is  desecrated  by  worldly  employments 
and  recreations,  as  well  as  by  irreverent  behavior  and  inat- 
tention in  the  house  of  God  during  public  worship.*    Espe- 

1  Called  the  Reforming  Synod.  The  acts  of  that  body  are  found  in  the 
Magnolia,  Book  V,  Part  IV. 

2  On  this  occasion,  some  churches  sent  only  their  ministers  to  this  as- 
sembly, and  not,  as  these  wished,  lay-delegates  with  them ;  but  the  synod 
resolved  that  the  latter  were  also  to  be  sent  by  the  churches. 

3  On  this  point  it  is  remarked:  "  We  read  of  but  one  man  in  Scripture 


212  NEW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY. 

cially  in  the  family  is  seen  an  undue  and  unlawful  indul- 
gence towards  children,  and  this  is  a  fountain-head  of  the 
existing  evils.  The  want  of  family  discipline  has  made 
many  Christians  like  to  the  Indians;  on  which  account, 
perhaps,  these  have  been  chosen  by  the  Lord  as  an  instru- 
ment of  punishment  and  correction.  Inordinate  passions 
manifest  themselves  by  intemperance  in  bodily  enjoyments, 
the  frequenting  of  taverns,  immodest  apparel,  increase  of 
law-suits,  promise-breaking,  strivings  after  worldly  gain 
through  unreasonable  profits  in  trade,  and  covetousness. 
Furthermore  it  charged  an  opposition  to  the  work  of  refor- 
mation, a  preference  of  personal  interests  over  public  good, 
and  a  contempt  of  the  divine  means  of  grace,  which  latter 
show  themselves  fruitless  in  a  special  manner  on  account 
of  neglect  of  repentance,  notwithstanding  a  manifest  call 
of  the  Lord.  "  Finally,"  in  answer  to  the  first  question  it 
is  said,  "there  are  several  considerations  which  seem  to 
evidence  that  the  evils  mentioned  are  the  matters  of  the 
Lord's  controversy.  1.  In  that  (though  not  as  to  all,)  as  to 
most  pf  them,  they  are  sins  which  many  are  guilty  of  2. 
Sins  which  have  been  acknowledged  before  the  Lord  on 
days  of  humiliation  appointed  by  authority,  and  not  yet 
reformed.  3.  Many  of  them  not  punished,  (and  some  of 
them  not  punishable,)  by  men,  and  therefore  the  Lord  him- 
self doth  punish  for  them." 

In  answer  to  the  second  question,  the  following  means 
are  suggested,  for  checking  the  encroachments  of  corrup- 
tion. First,  those  who  are,  in  any  way,  in  authority,  are 
exhorted  to  furnish  a  good  example  in  themselves  and 
their  families.  As  the  older  generation  has  died  out,  "  a 
declaration  of  adherence  to  the  faith  and  order  of  the  gos- 

that  slept  at  a  sermon,  and  that  sin  had  like  to  have  cost  him  his  life. 
Acts  20:  9." 


NEW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY.  218 

pel,  according  to  wliat  is  in  Scripture  expressed  in  the  plat- 
form of  discipline,  may  likewise  be  a  good  means  both  to 
recover  those  that  have  en-ed  from  the  truth,  and  to  pre- 
vent apostasy  for  the  future."  Watchful  circumspection 
must  be  used,  that  no  one  without  personal  and' public  pro- 
fession of  faith  and  repentance  be  admitted  to  the  commu- 
nion in  the  Lord's  Supper.  Church-discipline  is  to  be  ex- 
ercised, especially  towards  the  rising  generation,  a  matter 
to  which  the  founders  of  these  churches  attached  so  pecu- 
liar an  importance.  As  a  farther  means  of  promoting  refor- 
mation, care  should  be  taken  for  a  full  supply  of  officers  in 
the  churches;  in  the  larger  ones  should  be  appointed 
teachei-s^  besides  the  pastor,  but  in  all  cases,  there  should 
be  i-uling  elders,  and  provision  should  be  made  for  the  sup- 
l)0rt  of  the  ministry,  as  well  as  for  schools  and  the  promo- 
tion of  every  kind  of  knowledge.  "  When  New  England 
was  poor,"  it  is  said,  "  and  we  were  but  few  in  number 
comparatively,  there  was  a  spirit  to  encourage  learning, 
and  the  college  was  full  of  students,  whom  God  hath  made 
blessings,  not  only  in  this,  but  in  other  lands;*  and  it  is 
deeply  to  be  lamented  that  now,  when  we  are  become 
many,  and  more  able  than  at  our  beginnings,  that  society 
and  other  inferior  schools  are  in  such  a  low  and  languish- 
ing state.  Wherefore,  as  we  desire  that  reformation  and 
religion  should  flourish,  it  concerns  us  to  endeavor  that 
both  the  college  and  all  other  schools  of  learning  in  every 
place  be  duly  inspected  and  encouraged."  Solemn  and 
explicit  renewal  of  the  covenant  is  also  proposed  as  an 
appropriate  means,  to  be  performed  with  special  reference 
to  the  sins  of  the  times,  the  reformation  of  which  should 

• 
1  See  p.  158. 

*  This  refers  not  merely  to  the  other  colonies;  some  of  those  who  had 

been  educated  at  Cambridge  went  to  England. 


214  NEW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY. 

be  promised  before  the  Lord,  in  the  name  and  by  the  help 
of  Christ ;  and  with  the  expression  of  unity  in  all  things 
generally  acknowledged.  We  add  the  conclusion  of  this 
answer :  "  Inasmuch  as  a  thorough  and  hearty  reformation 
is  necessary,  in  order  to  obtain  peace  with  God  (Jer.  3 : 
10.),  and  all  outward  means  will  be  ineffectual  to  that  end, 
except  the  Lord  pour  down  his  Spirit  from  on  high ;  it  doth 
therefore  concern  us  to  cry  mightily  unto  God,  both  in  ord- 
inary and  extraordinary  manner,  that  he  would  be  pleased 
to  rain  down  righteousness  upon  us,  (Hos.  10 :  12.)  Amen." 
In  the  preface  which  accompanied  the  transmission  of 
these  answers  to  the  General  Court,  it  is  said :  "  The  things 
insisted  on,  have,  at  least  many  of  them,  been  often  men- 
tioned and  inculcated  by  those,  whom  the  Lord  hath  set  as 
watchmen  to  the  house  of  Israel ;  though  alas !  not  with 
that  success  which  their  souls  have  desired.  It  is  not  a 
small  matter,  nor  ought  it  to  seem  little  in  our  eyes,  that 
the  churches  have  in  this  way  confessed  and  declared  the 
truth,  which,  coming  from  a  synod,  as  their* joint  concur- 
ring testimony,  will  carry  more  authority  with  it  than  if 
one  man  only,  or  many  in  their  single  capacities,  should 
speak  the  same  things.  And,  undoubtedly  the  issue  of  this 
undertaking  will  be  most  signal,  either  as  to  mercy  or  mis- 
ery. If  'New  England  remember  whence  she  has  fallen 
and  do  the  first  works,  there  is  reason  to  hope  that  it  shall 
be  better  with  us  than  at  our  beginnings.  But  if  this,  after 
all  other  means  in  and  by  which  the  Lord  hath  been  striv- 
ing to  reclaim  us,  shall  be  despised  or  become  inefiectual, 
we  may  dread  what  is  like  to  follow.  'Tis  a  solemn 
thought  that  the  Jewish  Church  had,  as  the  churches  in 
New  England  have  this  day,  an  opportunity  to  reform  if 
they  would,  in  Josiah's  time;  but  because  they  had  no 
heart  unto  it,  the  Lord  quickly  removed  them  out  of  his 


NEW   ENGLAND   THEOCRACY.  215 

sight.  "What  God  out  of  his  sovereignty  may  do  for  us,  no 
man  can  say ;  but  according  to  his  wonted  dispensations, 
we  are  a  perisliing  people  if  now  we  reform  not."  The 
conclusions  of  the  synod  having  been  presented  to  the 
General  Court,  this  body,  by  a  resolution  of  October  15th, 
1679,  commended  it  to  the  earnest  consideration  of  all  the 
churches  and  people  of  the  jurisdiction  ;  desiring  of  all  per- 
sons, in  their  respective  stations,  a  careful  and  diligent 
refoi-mation  of  all  the  great  evils  herein  named,  according 
to  the  true  intent  of  the  words,  that  so  the  anger  and  dis- 
pleasure of  God,  so  many  ways  manifested,  may  be  averted, 
and  his  favor  and  blessing  obtained. 

That  this  measure  was  not  without  effect,  and  that  too 
in  the  majority  of  the  churches,  was  seen  not  only  by  an 
increased  fervency  of  religious  life  among  the  older  full 
membei*s,  but  by  accessions  to  their  number.  In  some 
churches,  it  is  true,  the  renewal  of  the  covenant  wiiich  had 
been  recommended  was  rejected  as  an  innovation ;  but  it 
was  almost  univei-sally  complied  with,  and  in  a  very  solemn 
manner.  After  the  way  had  been  prepared  in  a  church  by 
various  religious  meetings  and  days  of  fasting  and  prayer, 
one  day  w^as  set  apart  for  the  special  solemnity,  which, 
being  on  different  days  in  the  several  churches,  was  at- 
tended by  gi*eat  numbers  from  the  vicinity.  In  the  fore- 
noon, the  minister  of  the  place,  after  praying  and  preach- 
ing with  reference  to  the  occasion,  proceeded  to  read  the 
covenant,  to  which  the  members  of  the  church  then  ex- 
pressed their  assent,  the  men  by  lifting  their  hands,  the 
women  by  merely  rising.  In  some  places,  only  the  com- 
municants took  part  in  the  transaction;  in  others,  "the 
children  of  the  church"  also  participated. 

In  the  afternoon,  it  was  usual  for  another  minister  to 
preach  and  inculcate  the  obligations  of  the  covenant.    The 


216  NEW  ENGLAND   THEOCRACY. 

form  of  the  covenant  corresponded,  in  general,  with  that 
in  earlier  use  ;  in  reference  to  the  special  occasion,  it  was 
added:  "That  we  will  (Christ  helj^ing)  endeavor  every 
one  of  us  to  reform  our  heart  and  life,  by  seeking  to  mor- 
tify all  our  sins  and  laboring  to  walk  more  closely  with 
God,  than  ever  yet  we  have  done ;  and  will  continue  to 
worship  God  in  public,  private  and  secret,  and  this  without 
formality  or  hypocrisy ;  and  more  faithfully  and  fully  than 
heretofore,  to  discharge  all  covenant  duties  one  to  another, 
in  church  communion.  Secondly,  to  walk  before  God  in 
our  houses  with  a  perfect  heart,  and  that  we  will  uphold 
the  worship  of  God  therein  continually,  according  as  he  in 
his  word  doth  require,  both  in  respect  to  prayer  and  read- 
ing the  Scriptures,  that  so  the  word  of  God  may  dwell 
richly  in  us :  and  we  will  do  what  in  us  lies  to  bring  up 
our  children  for  Christ,  that  they  may  be  such  as  they, 
that  have  the  Lord's  name  put  upon  them  by  a  solemn 
dedication  to  God  in  Christ,  ought  to  be.  And  will  there- 
fore, as  need  be,  catechise,  exhort,  and  charge  them  to  the 
fear  of  the  Lord;  and  endeavor  to  set  a  holy  example 
before  them,  and  to  be  much  in  prayer  for  their  conversion 
and  salvation.  Thirdly,  to  endeavor  to  be  pure  from  the 
sins  of  the  times,  especially  those  sins  which  have  been  by 
the  late  synod  solemnly  declared  and  evidenced  to  be 
the  evils  that  have  brought  the  judgments  of  God  upon 
New  England ;  and  in  our  j^laces  to  endeavor  the  suppres- 
sion thereof,  and  be  cai-eful  so  to  walk,  as  that  we  may  not 
give  occasion  to  others  to  sin,  or  speak  evil  of  our  holy 
profession.  —  Now  that  we  may  observe  and  keep  this 
sacred  covenant  and  all  the  branches  of  it  inviolable  for- 
ever, we  desire  to  deny  ourselves,  and  to  depend  wholly 
on  the  power  of  the  eternal  Spirit  of  grace,  and  on  the 
free  mercy  of  God,  and  merit  of  Christ  Jesus ;  and  where 


NEW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY.  217 

we  shall  fail,  there  to  wait  upon  the  Lord  Jesus  for  pardon, 
acceptance  and  healing,  for  his  name's  sake." 

But  this  reaction,  though  proceeding  from  the  one  only- 
ground,  and  availing  itself,  for  the  most  part,  of  genuine 
ecclesiastical  and  spiritual  means,  did  not  reach  the  root 
of  the  evil.  The  decline  of  the  church,  properly  so  called, 
in  life  and  doctrine,  will  form  the  subject  of  the  following 
chapter. 


19 


CHAPTEE    VIII. 

DECLINE    OF    CONGKEGATIONALISM. 
EFFECTS    OF   THE    BEFOEMING   SYNOD   BUT     TEMPORARY. 

In  the  transactions  of  the  synod  related  at  the  close  of 
the  foregoing  chapter,  there  was  still  manifest  something 
of  the  spirit  in  which  the  settlers  of  Massachusetts  had 
sought  New  England,  fifty  years  before.  But,  though  it 
cannot  be  admitted  that  the  religious  interest  and  the 
church  spirit  had  wholly  disappeared  or  fallen  into  the 
backgi-ound,  yet  it  must  be  allowed  that  the  condition  of 
the  settlements  had  become,  in  this  respect,  wholly  dif- 
ferent. The  evils  complained  of,  which  it  was  the  object 
and  endeavor  of  that  synod  to  correct,  continued  to  in- 
crease, till  at  length,  in  the  revivals,  they  suffered  a  char- 
acteristic reaction. 

The  political  history  of  'New  England,  during  the  earlier 
period,  almost  loses  itself,  as  to  its  most  important  features, 
in  the  ecclesiastical.  Of  the  period  immediately  follow- 
ing it  might  be  said,  that  the  ecclesiastical  interests  were 
merged  in  the  political  relations.  The  latter  demand, 
nevertheless,  special  consideration,  as  a  means  of  eluci- 
dating the  condition  of  the  church. 

The  apprehensions  of  an  invasion  of  the  constitution, 
long  entertained  by  Massachusetts,  were  at  length  real- 
ized. In  the  year  1684,  the  charters  of  all  the  colonies 
were  repealed  by  Charles  II.     Immediately  on  his  death. 


NEW  BNGLAND   THEOCRACY.  219 

which  occurred  on  the  15th  of  February,  1685,  James  II. 
was  proclaimed  in  Boston.  But  the  expectation  of  any 
change  in  the  measures  of  liis  predecessor,  proved  vain. 
Nor,  general  as  was  tlie  popular  discontent,  could  the 
explicit  declaration  of  the  royal  will  be  resisted.  Connecti- 
cut, being  allowed  to  attach  itself  either  to  New  York  or 
Massachusetts,  chose  the  latter  colony,  to  which  were  uni- 
ted also,  Rhode  Island  and  Plymouth.  Towards  the  end  of 
the  year  1686,  Sir  Edmund  Andros  landed  in  Boston,  as 
governor,  by  royal  appointment,  of  all  New  England. 
Under  these  circumstances,  he  must,  of  necessity,  stand 
in  direct  opposition  to  a  population  which  had  grown  up 
under  an  independent  magistracy,  chosen  by  themselves. 
This  relation  was  still  more  embittered  by  the  establish- 
ment through  the  influence  of  Andros,  of  a  church  in 
Boston  with  the  ritual  of  the  Episcopal  Church.  Agents 
were  dispatched  to  England,  among  them  Increase  Mather 
as  chief  advocate,  for  procuring  from  the  king  a  restora- 
tion of  the  earlier  constitution;  but  this  was  without 
effect.  But  when  tidings  arrived  in  Boston  of  the  vic- 
tory of  William  of  Orange  over  James  II.  a  revolution 
broke  out,  in  consequence  of  which  Andros  and  his  ad- 
herents were  imprisoned,  and  a  provisional  government 
was  formed,  chiefly  from  the  members  of  the  earlier  mag- 
istracy. The  repeal  of  the  charter  having  been  executed 
in  legal  form,  it  was  necessary  to  apply  to  William  III.  for 
its  renewal.  This  was  granted  in  1691,  accompanied  with 
the  expression  of  approval  for  the  steps  which  had  been 
taken ;  but  with  this  essential  alteration,  that  henceforth 
the  governor  was  to  be  nominated  by  the  crown.  Ply- 
mouth remained  united  to  Massachusetts ;  Connecticut,  on 
tiie  contrary,  whose  constitution  had  been  abrogated  with- 
out the  observance  of  legal  forms,  again  adopted  it  when 


220  NEW  ENGLAND   THEOCRACY. 

Andros  was  deposed,  and  continued,  as  was  also  the  case 
with  Rhode  Island,  under  the  administration  of  governors 
chosen  by  herself.  The  new  constitution  was  at  first  re- 
ceived in  Boston  with  exultation,  but  complaints  soon 
followed  in  regard  to  the  alteration.  And  although  some 
of  the  succeeding  governors  had  the  ability  to  make 
themselves  influential  and  beloved,  there  commenced  an 
estrangement  which  spread  through  all  the  relations  to  the 
mother  country,  and  yielded  only  to  the  pressure  of  tem- 
porary danger.  On  the  one  side,  the  government  strove 
to  increase  the  distinction  and  prerogatives  of  the  gov- 
ernor; on  the  other,  the  General  Court^  of  Massachu- 
setts sought  to  maintain  a  certain  independence.  Thus, 
the  efforts  of  the  English  crown,  persevered  in  year  after 
year,  could  not  break  up  the  practice  of  voting  the  support 
of  their  Governor  yearly.  In  this  period  lay  the  germs  of 
those  disputes  which  afterwards  led  to  a  disruption  from 
England.  Covered  up  by  the  last  war  against  Canada, 
they  again  started  into  sight  when,  on  the  removal  of  the 
rival  who  had  been  so  many  years  the  object  of  dread,  the 
urgent  occasion  of  unity  between  the  colonies  and  the 
mother  country  was  taken  away.  Such  a  state  of  things 
was  exceedingly  unfavorable  to  a  revival  of  the  religious 
and  church  interests,  and  could  not  but  tend  to  counteract 
the  spirit  which  had  manifested  itself  at  the  last  synod, 
in  1679. 

That  this  attempt  to  revive  the  condition  of  the  earlier 
time  was  productive  of  no  general  improvement,  is  mani- 
fest from  a  publication  by  the  government  of  March  13th 
1 690,^  a  time  when  a  painful  uncertainty  prevailed  in  res- 
pect to  the  political  relations  of  the  colony.     "  Corruption 

1  CoiTG spending  to  the  former  General  Court. 

2  Mather,  Book  V.  p.  97. 


NEW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY.  221 

of  manners,  attended  with  inexcusable  degeneracies  and 
apostasies  in  too  many  of  this  people,"  are  alleged  as  the 
cause  of  God's  anger,  which  sliows  itself  "by  manifold 
judgments  in  such  a  time  of  probation."  These  remarks 
close  with  a  call  for  reformation ;  in  compliance  with  which 
assemblies  of  ministers  were  held,  and  in  various  places 
the  covenant  was  renewed.  But  as  ai)j)eai*s  from  the  fre- 
quent lamentations  of  the  New  England  writers  of  the 
time,  these  efforts  were  fruitless. 

WITCII-TRIALS. 

Shortly  before  the  arrival  of  Sir  "William  Phipps  the  first 
royal  Governor  in  Massachusetts,  this  province  became  the 
scene  of  an  infatuation,  no  less  remarkable  than  it  was 
lamentable,  by  which  the  public  mind  was  wound  up  to  the 
highest  pitch  of  excitement.  New  England  had  now  to 
suffer  the  consequences  of  a  delusion  which  at  that  very 
period  was  dying  out  in  Europe.  In  the  yeai*s  previous, 
witches  had  occasionally  been  tried  and  executed ;  but  in 
1692,  processes  of  this  kind  commenced,  especially  in  Salem, 
on  such  a  scale  that  by  degrees  towards  one  liundred  per- 
sons were  brought  to  tiial.  The  accusers  rei)resented  them- 
selves as  tormented  by  these  j^ersons  in  a  very  singular 
manner,  and  as  having  seen  and  watched  their  secret  con- 
claves with  evil  spirits.  Under  the  promise  of  pardon, 
some  were  persuaded  to  acknowledge  a  covenant  with  the 
devil.  Counsel  being  asked  of  the  ministers  in  reference  to 
the  course  proper  to  bo  pursued,  they  allowed,  in  their  an- 
swer, the  possibility  of  such  a  covenant;  but  insisted  at  the 
same  time  on  the  greatest  caution  in  the  examination.  But 
this  advice  was  unavailing;  by  answers  forced  into  the 
mouths  of  the  accused  through  ensnaring  questions,  and  by 

10* 


222  NEW   ENGLAND    THEOCRACY. 

tlie  admission  of  incompetent  witnesses,  sometimes  even  of 
cliiklren,  matters  came  to  such  a  pass,  that  during  the 
months  of  Juno,  July  and  August  1692,  twenty  persons 
were  executed,  among  them  a  former  minister,  wlio  was 
now  accused  as  a  wizard.  But  not  one  of  the  number  con- 
fessed himself  guilty.  It  Avas  not  till  the  accusers  had  gone 
to  the  length  of  impeaching  numerous  i:)ei'Sons  of  wholly 
blameless  life,  church  members  and  peoj^le  of  distinction, 
that  people  came  to  their  senses.  Public  opinion  then 
turned  against  the  accusers,  who,  though  they  escaped  due 
punishment,  could  not  evade  the  reproach  of  having  sacri- 
ficed the  lives  and  property  of  their  fellow  citizens,  and 
disturbed  the  public  peace,  not  only  with  culpable  reckless- 
ness, but  also  with  most  wicked  and  self-conscious  fraud. 
The  credulity  of  the  judges  was  fii*st  acknowledged  when, 
many  years  after,  those  who  had  been  stripped  of  their 
projierty  by  these  trials,  sought  restitution  at  the  public 
cost.  If  it  is  i^leaded  that  these  occurrences  reflect  no  pe- 
culiar blame  on  those  among  whom  they  happened,  yet  it 
may  well  be  maintained,  that  the  sound  sense  and  the  living 
religious  sentiment  of  the  earlier  time  would  have  arrayed 
themselves  decidedly  against  such  an  infatuation. 

FARTHER   RESULTS   OP   THE    CHANGE   IN   CHURCH-PRINCIPLES. 

"We  pass  now  to  the  still  farther  consequences  of  the 
change  in  church  principles,  which  has  been  explained 
in  the  preceding  chapter.  It  might  have  been  ex2:)ect 
ed,  as  the  result  of  that  separation  of  church-members 
into  those  in  full  communion,  and  those  on  the  halfway 
covenant,  that,  on  the  one  hand,  the  former  would  con- 
tinue to  be  regarded  as  those  who  properly  constituted 
the  church ;  on  the  other,  that  a  still  more  rigid  practice 


NEW   liXQLAND  THEOCRACY.  223 

would  be  observed  in  respect  to  their  admission.  But  tliis 
was  not  the  case,  in  either  respect.  The  principle  of  requir- 
ing evidence  of  conversion  went  gradually  more  and  more 
into  disuse;  Imd^so  early  as  the  year  1G9G,  a  church  was 
formed^  in  Hartford  without  reference  in  any  way  to  such 
a  requisition.  In  like  manner,  at  the  formation  of  a  church 
in  Boston  about  the  year  1G99,  it  was  declared  to  be  un- 
necessary. Even  when  the  princii)le  was  still  adhered  to, 
the  i)ractice  declined.  The  custom  of  making  a  public 
confession  of  faith,  and  a  relation  of  christian  experience 
was  gradually  lost.  It  was  left  wholly  to  the  clergy  to 
judge  of  the  qualifications  for  admission  and  to  report 
thereon  to  the  church ;  and  at  the  same  time,  the  church 
office  of  ruling  elder  fell  into  oblivion.  So  for  at  length, 
did  this  go,  that  even  candidates  for  full  conmiunion* 
scarcely  did  more  than  express  their  assent  to  the  confes- 
sion of  faith.  It  is  noticeable  that  the  consciousness  in  the 
church  of  this  decline  was  accompanied  by  the  expressed 
conviction  of  its  connection  with  these  aberrations.  This 
was  the  case  even  jirior  to  the  time  when  by  a  conclusion 
hereafter  to  be  mentioned,  the  opposition  to  the  earlier 
views  was  earned  to  its  extremest  point.  Jonathan  Mitchel, 
minister  at  Cambridge  and  teacher  in  Harvard  College, 
had  been  one  of  the  chief  advocates  of  the  middle  course 
at  the  Synod  of  1662 ;  but  in  the  admission  of  full  mem- 


1  This  was  done  by  "  owning  the  covenant,"  as  it  was  called.  This  church 
at  its  formation  in  February  10%,  under  the  lead  of  Mr.  Wootlbridgc,  con- 
sisted of  60  persons.  To  these  83  more  joined  themselves  on  the  8th  of 
March,  and  in  the  course  of  another  month,  they  numbered  V.Yi  memljers. 
Trumb.  Hist,  of  Conn.,  Clr.  XIX. 

2  Tlie  oldest  church  in  the  country,  the  Old  Church  of  Plymouth, 
changed  its  method  of  admitting  memJ)crs  in  November,  170-5,  introdu- 
( ing  written  relations  in  place  of  oral.    Backus,  II.,  p.  29. 


224  NEW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY. 

bers,  he  was  still  most  earnest  for  the  maintenance  of  the 
original  strictness  in  all  its  force. 

Cotton  Mather^  gives  from  a  manuscript  of  Mitcbel's  of 
the  year  1664,  a  refutation  by  his  hand  of  the  opinion  that 
a  public  declaration  of  faith  in  Christ  or  of  sincere  repent- 
ance for  sin  suffices  for  admission  to  the  Lord's  Supi^er. 
Mitchel  supposes  that  he  who  can  "  groundedly  "  make  such 
a  confession  can  specify  something  more ;  and  he  who  can- 
not do  it  groundedly,  ought  not  to  be  admitted ;  nay,  he 
sees  in  this  laxness  the  fountain  of  formality  and  irreligion. 
Among  other  things  he  says :  "  The  power  of  godliness 
will  soon  be  lost,  if  only  doctrinal  knowledge  and  outward 
blamelessness  be  accounted  sufficient  for  all  church  privi- 
leges, and  practical  confessions  (or  examinations  of  men's 
spiritual  estate)  be  laid  aside.  For  that  which  people  see 
to  be  publicly  required  and  held  in  reputation,  that  will 
they  look  after  and  usually  no  more,  but  content  themselves 
with  that.  "  The  Reverend  XJrian  Oakes,  who  had  presided 
over  Harvard  College  from  the  year  1675,  thus  expressed 
himself  in  the  discourse  after  his  election :  ^  "  Consider  what 
will  be  the  end  of  the  departures  or  apostasies  from  the 
church  government  settled  among  ns.  I  profess  I  look 
upon  the  settlement  of  the  Congregational  way  as  the  boon, 
the  gratuity,  the  largeness  of  divine  bounty  which  the  Lord 
graciously  bestowed  upon  his  people  that  followed  him  into 
tliis  wilderness ;  and  a  great  part  of  the  blessing  upon  the 
head  of  Joseph,  and  of  them  that  were  separated  from 
their  brethren.  Those  good  people  that  came  over  here 
showed  more  love  and  zeal,  and  affectionate  desire  of  com- 
munion with  God  in  pure  worship  and  ordinances,  and  did 
more  in  order  to  it  than  others,  and  the  Lord  did  more  for 
them  than  for  any  people  in  the  world,  in  showing  them  the 

1  Book  IV.,  p.  179.        2  Mather,  B.  IV.,  p.  165. 


NEW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY.  225 

2>att6rn  of  his  house  and  the  true  scriptural  way  of  church 
government  and  administrations.  God  was  certainly  in  a 
more  than  ordinary  way  present  with  liis  servants  in  laying 
'>f  our  foundation  and  in  settling  the  way  of  churcli-order 
•'wording  to  the  will  and  appointment  of  Christ.  Consider 
\\  hat  would  be  the  sad  issue  of  revolting  from  the  way 
lixed  upon,  to  one  extreme  or  to  another,  whether  it  be  to 
Presbyterian  ism  or  lirownism.  As  for  the  Presbyterians, 
it  must  be  acknowledged  that  there  are  among  them  as 
pious,  learned,  sober,  orthodox  men  as  the  world  affords ; 
and  that  there  is  as  much  of  the  power  of  godliness  among 
that  party  and  of  the  spirit  of  the  good  old  Puritans  as 
among  any  people  in  the  world.  As  for  their  way  of 
church-government,  it  must  be  confessed  that,  in  the  day 
of  it,  it  was  a  very  considerable  step  to  reformation.  The 
reformation  in  King  Edward's  days  was  then  a  blessed 
work.  And  the  reformation  of  Geneva  and  Scotland  was 
then  a  larger  step,  and  in  many  respects  purer  than  the 
other.  And  for  my  part  I  fully  believe  that  the  Congre- 
gational way  far  exceeds  both,  and  is  the  highest  step  that 
has  been  taken  towards  reformation,  and  for  the  substance 
of  it,  it  is  the  very  same  way  that  was  established  and  prac- 
tised in  the  primitive  times,  according  to  the  institution  of 
Jesus  Christ.  I  must  needs  say  that  I  should  look  upon  it 
as  a  sad  degeneracy,  if  we  should  leave  the  good  old  way 
so  far  as  to  turn  councils  and  synods  into  classes  and  provin- 
cial assemblies,  and  there  should  be  such  a  laxness  in  admis- 
sion of  members  to  communion,  as  is  pleaded  for  and  prac- 
tised by  many  Presbyterians." 

The  first  of  the  apprehensions  here  expressed,  of  a  church- 
government  similar  to  the  Presbyterian,  will  be  discussed 
hereafter. 

In  reference  to  the  other  principle  of  Congregationalism, 


226  NEW  ENGLAND   THEOCRACY. 

we  will  bere  introduce  two  witnesses  in  whose  testimony 
the  charges,  expressed  in  general  terms  in  earlier  times, 
appear  in  an  increasingly  specific  form.  Increase  Mather, 
so  often  mentioned  already,  who  was  also  president  of  Har- 
vard College,  published  in  1700  a  book  entitled:  "Vindi- 
cation of  the  order  of  the  gospel  in  New  England."  In 
this  he  says  :  "  The  Congregational  church  discipline  is  not 
suited  for  a  worldly  interest,  or  a  formal  generation  of  pro- 
fessors. It  will  stand  or  fall,  as  godliness,  in  the  power  of 
it,  does  prevail  or  otherwise.  That  there  is  a  great  decay 
of  the  power  of  religion  throughout  all  New  England  is 
lamentably  true ;  if  that  revive,  there  will  be  no  fear  of 
departing  from  the  holy  discipline  of  the  churches  of 
Christ.  If  the  begun  apostasy  should  j^roceed  as  fast  the 
next  thirty  years,  as  it  has  done  these  last  surely  it  will 
come  to  that  in  New  England  (except  the  gospel  itself 
depart  with  the  order  of  it),  that  the  most  conscientious 
people  therein  will  think  themselves  concerned  to  gather 
churches  out  of  churches. "  ^  He  complains  especially  of 
a  lamentably  superficial  and  formal  manner  in  the  relation 
of  experiences  for  admission  to  communion.  "There  are 
reports,  as  if  in  some  churches,  persons  have  brought  writ- 
ten relations,  first  to  the  minister  and  then  to  the  church, 
v/hich  were  not  of  their  own  dictating,  but  devised  by  oth- 
ers for  them.  I  hope  these  reports  have  nothing  of  truth 
in  them ;  but  if  they  have,  I  am  sure  that  such  liars  to  the 
Holy  Ghost  have  exceedingly  jjrovoked  the  Lord."  Harsh 
as  this  judgment  may  seem,  and  little  perhaps  as  it  could 
be  applied  directly  to  individual  cases  which  had  actually 
occurred,  yet  it  is  not  to  be  denied  that  such  an  innovation 
was  a  complete  subversion  of  the  Congregation alist  j^i'inci- 
ples.  Let  it  go  so  far  that,  in  place  ,of  what  these  had 
1  Backus,  II.,  p.  24. 


NEW  ENGLAND   THEOCRACY.  227 

requirecl,  a  mere  outward,  nay  even  a  counterfeit  profession 
\vould  suffice,  and  that  was  repudiated  which  had  origi- 
nated, and  had  formed  the  sum  and  substance  of  tins  par- 
ticular denomination.  The  tree  would  be  severed  from  the 
root  whence  it  had  received  life,  and  the  inner  sap  must 
dry  up  of  itself. 

About  the  same  time,  a  distinguished  minister  in  Boston, 
by  the  name  of  "Willard,  one  of  the  advocates  of  that 
Third  Church,  whose  formation  resulted  from  the  synod- 
ial  determinations  of  16G2,  but  who,  in  other  respects, 
adhered  to  primitive  principles,  thus  expressed  his  views 
in  a  discourse  entitled  "The  perils  of  the  times  dis- 
played : "  *  "  That  there  is  a  form  of  godliness  among  us  is 
manifest ;  but  the  great  inquiry  is,  whether  there  be  not 
too  much  of  a  general  denying  of  the  power  of  it. 
"Whence  else  is  it,  that  there  be  such  things  as  these  that 
follow  to  be  observ^ed ;  that  there  is  such  a  prevalency  of  so 
many  immoralities  among  professors  ?  that  there  is  so  little 
success  of  the  gospel?  how  few  thorough  conversions  to 
be  observed,  how  scarce  and  seldom !  —  It  hath  been  a 
frequent  observation,  that  if  one  generation  begins  to  de- 
cline, the  next  that  follows  usually  grows  worse,  and  so 
on,  until  God  pours  out  his  spirit  again  upon  them.  The 
decays  which  we  already  languish  under  are  sad ;  and 
what  tokens  are  on  our  children,  that  it  is  like  to  be  better 
hereafter?  God  be  thanked  that  there  are  some  among 
them  that  promise  well ;  but  alas  I  how  doth  vanity 
abound  among  them!  How  do  young  professors  grow 
weary  of  the  strict  profession  of  their  fathers,  and  become 
disputants  for  the  things  which  their  progenitora  forsook  a 
pleasant  land  for  the  avoidance  of! " 

But  there  was  not  merely  a  continually  growing  laxity 

1  Backus,  n.  p.  25. 


228  KEW  ENGLAND   THEOCEACY. 

in  practice,  with  regard  to  the  admission  of  new  members. 
Views  respecting  admission  to  the  Lord's  Supj^er  were 
publicly  advocated  which  not  only  contravened  the  funda- 
mental principles  of  the  Congregationalists  at  their  rise, 
but  even  went  beyond  those  of  the  church  which  they 
had  abandoned.  Solomon  Stoddard,^  a  minister  in  North- 
ampton, Massachusetts,  carried  out  the  parallel  with  the 
Jewish  church  so  often  used,  in  a  very  j^eculiar  manner. 
As  all  who  were  under  the  covenant  of  circumcision  were 
obliged  to  keep  the  Passover,  so  all  that  are  baptized 
should  come  to  the  table  of  the  Lord ;  nay,  he  added 
"  though  they  know  themselves  to  be  in  a  natural  condi- 
tion." Increase  Mather  came  out  in  opposition  to  him. 
But  in  his  reply,  Stoddard  went  still  farther ;  maintaining 
not  merely  that  "  sanctification  is  not  a  necessary  qualifi- 
cation to  partaking  of  the  Lord's  Supper,"  but  even  calling 
this  "a  converting  ordinance."  And  this  view,  which 
might  justly  be  styled  the  exact  opposite  of  the  original 
principles,  gradually  gained  more  and  more  currency. 
This  aberration  from  that  which  formed  the  characteristic 
feature,  the  central  point  of  Congregationalism,  was  now 
accompanied  by  a  change  in  doctrine  which  completed  the 
decline.  But  before  we  pass  to  the  portrayal  of  these 
innovations,  we  must  relate  the  execution  of  an  earlier 
plan  which  in  the  year  1667  had  been  frustrated  by  a 
powerful  opposition. 

FURTHER  ATTEMPT   AT  APPROXIMATION   TO  THE  PRESBYTERIAN    DIS- 
CIPLINE  IN   MASSACHUSETTS   AND   CONNECTICUT. 

We  have  already  spoken  of  the  attempt  made  by  the 
government  of  Connecticut^  to  secure  a  firmer  organiza- 
tion  of   the  Congregationalist   church-party,  through   an 

1  Backus,  II.  pp.  26  and  33.    Wisner  pp.  41,  58.  2  p.  195. 


NEW   ENGLAND   THEOCRACY.  229 

a]>proximation  to  the  Presbyterian  form  of  government. 
But  the  independence  of  the  several  churches  was  at  the 
same  time  a  principle  too  strongly  rooted  in  the  public 
mind  to  allow  this  effort  to  succeed.  Now,  however,  to 
the  causes  of  the  gradual  change  in  this  respect  brought 
to  light  by  the  foregoing  development,  was  added  the 
arrival  of  individuals  of  the  Presbyterian  persuasion  from 
Europe,  who  attached  themselves  to  the  established 
churches  of  New  England.  It  was  not  strange  if  their 
view  of  the  subordination  of  the  churches  under  synods 
and  assemblies  should  have  found  favor  even  with  those 
who  had  at  heart  the  welfare  of  their  fellow-citizens  in 
respect  to  religion  and  church ;  nay,  this  more  compact 
outward  form  might  appear  to  them  the  very  means  for 
arresting  the  ever-extending  ravages  of  decline.  Even  if 
nothing  more  than  an  external  prop,  yet  at  least  it  was 
from  the  church  itself  the  prop  was  to  be  taken  which 
should  sustain  the  tottering  fabric.  It  was  while  In- 
crease Mather  was  residing  in  London  as  Agent  for  Mas- 
sachusetts, that  the  Presbyterian  and  Congregationalist 
ministers  of  Connecticut  had  formed  a  union,  and  drawn 
up  the  *  heads  of  agreement,'  having  declared  the  points 
in  which  they  differed  unessential.  But  the  terms  in 
which  they  are  expressed  are  very  general ;  and  pass  over 
in  silence  both  the  subject  of  special  examination  of  can- 
didates for  admission,  and  that  of  a  lawful  power  of 
s^-nods.  With  this  indefiniteness,  however,  there  was 
unanimity  in  regard  to  doctrinal  belief;  as  in  Boston  also, 
at  a  synod  held  in  1680,  the  Westminster  confession  was 
adopted  in  all  its  essential  points.  These  Heads  of  Agree- 
ment now  found  favor  even  in  New  England. 

But  the  matter  was  not  allowed  to  stop  with  the  deci- 
sion, that  the  single  churches  should  have  a  respectful 

20 


230  NEW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY. 

regard  to  the  judgment  of  the  assemblies  of  ministers, 
and  should  not  act  in  contrariety  thereto  without  manifest 
reasons  out  of  the  word  of  God.  On  the  5th  of  Novem- 
ber 1705,  several  ministers  in  Massachusetts  subscribed  to 
certain  proj^ositions  for  the  formation  of  associations  in 
each  county,  to  which  should  be  committed  the  licensing 
of  candidates  for  the  ministerial  office ;  and  to  this  should 
be  added  a  standing  council  whose  sentence  should  be  re- 
garded as  final  and  decisive,  yet  not  without  the  assent  of 
a  majority  of  the  pastors  present.  But  so  decided  an 
opposition  to  the  proposals  arose  in  Massachusetts  as  to 
render  the  execution  of  the  measure  impracticable ;  al- 
though the  views  which  had  thus  found  exjDression  became, 
in  a  milder  acceptation,  predominant.  The  occasional 
meetings  of  neighboring  ministers,  which  had  early  been 
felt  as  a  necessity,  and  as  an  advisory  and  admonitory 
resort  had  been  constantly  recommended,  still  continued, 
and  sought,  by  personal  influence  to  supply  the  want,  a 
want  which  at  that  time  Increase  Mather  lamented  in 
strong  terms.  But  they  carried  the  matter  farther  in  Con- 
necticut. Here,  in  1707,  died  Governor  Fitz-John  Win- 
throp,  who  for  ten  successive  years,  had  been  reelected 
to  the  office  previously  occupied  by  his  father.  A  law 
then  existed  that  the  Governor  should  be  taken  from 
among  the  magistrates  in  nomination  ;^  but  in  contrariety 
to  this  rule,  Gurdon  Saltonstall,^  a  minister  of  New  Lou- 

1  In  January  1708,  this  law  was  repealed,  and  all  freemen  of  Connecti- 
cut were  declared  eligible  to  the  office. 

2  He  was  one  of  the  Connecticut  delegates  appointed  in  the  year  1697  to 
congratulate  the  Earl  de  Bellamont,  Governor  of  New  York  and  Massa- 
chusetts, who  remarked  that  Saltonstall  appeared  most  like  a  nobleman 
of  any  person  he  had  seen  in  America.  Trumb.  I.  417.  Backus  says  of 
him  (II.  35) :  "He  was  a  great  politician,  and  he  exerted  all  his  influence 
to  raise  the  ministerial  power  as  high  as  possible." 


NEW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY.  231 

don,  was  nominated,  and  being  dismissed  from  his  church 
in  January  1708,  entered  on  liis  new  office.  He  soon  pre- 
sented to  the  Legislature  the  above-named  proposals  of 
1705.  But  notice  being  taken  of  the  omission  in  them  of 
reasons  from  Scripture,  Saltonstall  fearing  they  would  be 
rejected  withdrew  them.  But,  on  the  other  hand,  the 
General  Assembly  at  Hartford,  May  13th  1708,  passed  an 
act  which  was  in  substance  as  follows:  This  Assembly, 
from  its  own  observation  and  tlie  complaint  of  many 
others,  being  made  sensible  of  the  defects  in  church  disci- 
pline, arising  from  the  want  of  a  more  explicit  assertion  of 
the  rules  given  for  that  end  in  the  Holy  Scriptures,  from 
which  would  arise  a  permanent  establishment  among  our- 
selves, a  good  and  regular  issue  in  cases  subject  to  ecclesi- 
astical discipline,  glory  to  Christ  our  head,  and  edification 
to  his  members;  do  hence  ordain  and«  require  that  the 
ministers  of  the  several  counties  in  this  government,  and 
other  delegates  of  the  churches,  shall  meet  together  at 
their  respective  county  towns,  there  to  deliberate  on  meth- 
ods and  rules  for  the  same,  and  to  elect  members  for  an 
assembly  to  be  held  in  Saybrook,  at  the  charge  of  the 
public  treasury  of  the  colony,  when  the  results  of  those 
deliberations  should  be  compared,  and  a  form  of  ecclesias- 
tical discipline  drawn  up. 

THE     SATBROOK    PLATFOKM,     1708. 

In  accordance  with  this  requisition,  twelve  ministers  and 
four  lay  delegates  from  the  four  counties,  came  together  in 
Saybrook,  on  the  9th  of  September  1708.  After  an  expres- 
sion of  concurrence  with  the  Confession  of  Faith  of  1680, 
and  with  the  Heads  of  Agreement,  fifteen  Articles  in  res- 
pect to  church  discipline  were  adopted  (no  mention  being 


232  NEW  ENGLAND   TIIEOCE-ACY. 

made  of  the  Cambridge  Platform)  declaring  an  ecclesias- 
tical subordination  in  accordance  with  the  principles  of 
the  Presbyterians.  Articles  1st  to  11th  treat  of  the  assem- 
blies of  ministers  and  lay  delegates ;  the  last  four  of  those 
Y.hich  consisted  of  ministers  only ;  the  former  were  called 
consociations,  the  latter,  associations.  In  each  county  were 
to  be  formed  one  or  more  of  both  kinds.  All  difficult  cases 
of  offence  which  are  the  subject  of  church  censure,  are  to 
come  before  the  consociations  and  to  be  decided  by  the 
vote  of  the  majority  of  those  present.  In  connection  with 
this,  it  is  expressly  stated  that  the  omission  of  any  church 
to  send  delegates  shall  be  no  bar  to  the  23roceedings  of  the 
council,  or  invalidate  their  action.  Any  case  brought  be- 
fore a  council  in  an  orderly  manner,  is  to  be  here  deter- 
mined, and  the  parties  concerned  are  to  be  satisfied  with 
the  same ;  the  consociation  seeing  to  it,  that  their  deter- 
mination or  judgment  is  duly  executed  and  obeyed,  in  such 
a  way  as  shall  in  their  judgment  be  most  suitable  and 
agreeable  to  the  word  of  God.  The  pastors  and  churches 
who  do  not  submit  themselves  to  such  decisions,  are  to  be 
excluded  from  fellowship.  In  difficult  cases,  a  neighboring 
consociation  is  to  be  taken  into  council.  In  difficulties 
between  a  church  and  one  of  its  members,  the  former  is 
to  have  the  privilege,  if  so  desiring,  of  calling  together  a 
consociation ;  but  the  right  to  do  this  is  denied  to  the  lat- 
ter. The  delegates  shall  hold  their  office  till  the  occurrence 
of  a  new  election,  that  a  council  may  at  any  time  be  called 
together.  This  is  to  meet  at  least  once  yearly ;  the  mod- 
erator at  one  session  to  remain  in  office  till  the  next,  in 
order  to  be  able  to  summon  a  council  during  the  time  of 
adjournment.  All  persons,  not  appearing  after  due  sum- 
mons or  notification,  and  without  satisfying  reasons  to 
offi2r  therefor,  shall  be  judged  guilty  of  scandalous  con- 


NEW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY.  238 

toinpt.  Tho  associations,  which  are  to  meet  at  least  twice 
yearly  for  consultation  on  the  duties  of  their  oftice  and  on 
the  common  interests  of  the  churches,  are  to  consider  and 
decide  cases  of  importance  which  shall  be  presented  to 
them  by  any  of  their  own  number  or  by  other  ministers; 
they  shall  also  have  the  right  of  examining  and  recom- 
mending candidates  for  the  ministerial  work.  The  min- 
isters thus  associated  are  to  take  cognizance  of  any  among 
tliemselves  who  are  accused  of  open  scandal  or  heresy,  to 
examine  the  matter  carefully,  and  if  they  find  just  occa- 
sion, to  direct  the  calling  of  the  consociation,  where  such 
oifenders  shall  be  duly  proceeded  against.  The  fourteenth 
article  commits  to  the  associations  the  care  of  any  churches 
which  may  be  bereaved  of  their  pastors ;  the  fifteenth  and 
last  recommends  the  formation  of  a  general  association  to 
consist  of  delegates  from  the  several  county  associations, 
which  should  meet  annually. 

These  articles  were  adopted  unanimously  by  the  Synod, 
and  in  October  1708,  were,  in  connection  with  the  Confes- 
sion of  Faith  and  Heads  of  Agreement,  declared  by  the 
Legislature  established  by  law ;  with  the  provision,  how- 
ever, "that  no  society  or  church  allowed  by  the  laws, 
which  dissented  from  the  united  churches  hei*e  established, 
sliould  be  hindered  from  the  exercise  of  woi*ship  and  disci- 
pline in  their  own  way,  according  to  their  consciences." 

It  may  well  excite  surprise  that  this  change,  expressed 
in  terms  so  unequivocal,  should  have  encountered  no  con- 
siderable resistance.  In  the  following  year,  there  were 
fonned  in  the  four  counties,  five  consociations  and  the  same 
number  of  associations ;  ^  the  General  Associations  un- 
doubtedly exercised  from  this  time  a  certain  superintend- 
ence over  ministers  and  churches.    The  favorable  recep- 

1  Two  for  the  connty  of  Hartford. 
20* 


234  NEW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY. 

tion  of  the  conclusions  of  the  Saybrook  Synod  is  chiefly  to 
be  explained  from  the  circumstance  that  they  appeared  in 
connection  with  the  Heads  of  Agreement ;  and  that  the 
required  deference  to  synods  was  not  at  variance  with  the 
spirit  of  the  Congregation  alists.  The  articles,  expressed  in 
terms  so  explicit,  received  indeed  a  modified  application  in 
practice.  Still  it  may  be  said  in  general,  that  from  this 
period,  the  more  intimate  and  settled  connection  of  the 
Congregationalist  churches  led  to  a  certain  subordinancy, 
though  the  strict  forms  of  the  Presbyterians  did  not  obtain 
in  full.  The  associations  directed  their  chief  efforts  to  the 
oversight  of  candidates  for  the  ministry.  From  this  it  is 
manifest  that  the  approximation  to  Presbyterian  ism  was 
not  the  result  merely  of  a  wish  for  cleiical  domination,  but 
was  in  part  dictated  by  the  desire  to  make  secure  provision 
for  the  wants  of  the  church.  Of  the  interest  felt  for  this 
object  in  Connecticut,  we  have  proof  in  another  way.  So 
early  as  1698,  the  inconveniences  incident  to  so  great  a  dis- 
tance from  Cambridge,  had  suggested  the  plan  of  founding 
a  new  college.  In  1701,  the  Legislature  granted  a  charter 
and  voted  a  yearly  allowance  for  its  support.  Its  manage- 
ment, instruction,  and  religious  influence  were  to  have  for 
their  object  "  to  promote,  in  the  education  of  the  students, 
the  power  and  j^urity  of  religion,  and  the  best  edification 
of  the  New  England  churches."  Saybrook  was  fixed  on 
as  the  seat  of  the  College ;  but  owing  to  the  continuance 
of  their  first  chosen  Rector  with  his  church  at  Killingworth 
in  the  vicinity  of  Saybrook,  the  College  was  not  removed 
thither  till  after  his  death  in  1704.  Here  it  remained  till 
1717;  from  which  time  it  has  existed  in  New  Haven,  as 
Yale  College,  so  called  from  Elihu  Yale,  a  Director  of  the 
East  India  Company  in  London,  who  had  bequeathed  to  it 
large  legacies. 


NEW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY.  235 

This  approximation  to  the  Presbyterians,  as  it  has  ex- 
isted from  that  time  in  a  continued  friendly  relation  of  the 
two  religious  i)nrties,  received  an  additional  impulse  in  the 
beginning  of  the  last  century,  from  the  growing  activity  of 
the  Baptists  and  Episcopalians  in  founding  new  churches. 
But,  though  the  hostility  towards  these  denominations  as 
also  against  the  Quakers,  still  continued,  it  was  now  be- 
come a  mere  external  strife ;  though  complaints  were  not 
wanting  respecting  the  oppressive  action  of  the  laws,  by 
which  the  whole  body  of  the  inhabitants  of  a  parish,  and  not 
merely  the  actual  church-members,  were  held  accountable 
for  the  support  of  the  clergy.  We  notice  various  contro- 
versies of  no  special  moment,  and  without  features  of  indi- 
vidual interest.  The  principle  above-mentioned,  that  every 
parishioner  must  bear  his  part  in  the  support  of  the  minis- 
ter, and,  if  there  was  none  of  his  own  sect  in  the  place,  to 
that  of  the  prevailing  party,  was  even  adopted  into  the 
constitution  of  the  State  of  Massachusetts  after  the  revolu- 
tion, and  was  repealed  not  many  years  since.^  In  this 
state  also,  were  maintained  yearly  assemblies  of  the  clergy, 
though  without  the  prerogatives  conferred  by  the  Saybrook 
Platform  on  the  Associations  in  Connecticut. 

PROGRESSIVE  DECLINE  OF  PIETY. 

In  the  year  1725,  a  voice  awoke  once  more  in  Massachu- 
setts which  reminds  us  of  the  expressions  and  the  spirit  of 
earlier  times.  A  petition  was  presented  to  the  Legislature 
by  Cotton  Mather,  in  the  name  of  the  assembled  General 
Convention  of  ministers,  praying  that,  in  view  of  the  great 

1  Constitution  of  the  Commonwealth  of  Mass.  in  the  Ilevised  Statutes 
of  the  Commonwealth  of  Mass.  Boston :  183C.  Tart  I.  Art.  3.  and  Articles 
of  Amendment,  Art.  III. 


236  NEW   ENGLAND   THEOCRACY. 

and  visible  decline  of  piety  in  the  country,  of  tlie  laudable 
example  of  our  predecessors  who  souglit  to  establish  the 
faith  and  order  of  the  gospel  in  the  churches  by  synods, 
and  that  now  a  period  of  forty-five  years  has  passed  since 
the  last  convention  of  this  kind,  a  synod  might  be  called 
for  the  remedy  of  the  existing  unhapjjy  condition.  During 
the  proceedings  on  the  matter  in  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives, the  Episcopalians  residing  in  Boston  made  report  of 
the  same  in  London ;  whence  an  order  was  received  to  put 
an  immediate  end  to  the  affair,  as  the  calling  of  synods 
pertained  to  the  king  alone.  This  de.cision  was  received 
by  the  Representatives,  though  otherwise  still  extremely 
jealous  of  their  rights,  without  a  word  of  complaint.  This 
silence  marks  a  characteristic  of  the  time. 

As  the  antagonisms  in  the  English  church  parties  had 
reference  chiefly  to  the  constitution  of  the  church,  differ- 
ences in  respect  to  doctrine,  were  less  definitely  expressed, 
and  were  of  a  subordinate  character ;  so  in  the  decline  of 
Congregationalism,  in  New  England,  we  have  for  a  long 
period,  no  sign  of  alteration  in  the  latter  respect.  Un- 
doubtedly, a  declension  could  not  but  soon  manifest  itself 
even  among  the  clergy.  In  a  constitution  like  that  of  the 
Congregationalists,  the  reciprocal  action  of  ministers  and 
churches  on  each  other  is  too  immediate,  to  allow  the  one 
to  be  in  a  state  discordant  to  that  of  the  other.  At  first, 
however,  the  difference  between  the  present  clergy  and 
their  predecessors  manifested  itself,  for  the  most  part,  only 
in  formality  and  coldness  in  the  duties  of  their  ofiice.  But 
with  the  lively  intercourse  constantly  maintained  with 
England,  influences  from  the  latter  soon  made  themselves 
apparent,  and  Arminianism,  which,  in  the  preceding  cen- 
tury, had  spread  from  the  High  Church  into  the  ranks  of 
the  Dissenters,  now  visited  North  America  also.     Here,  it 


NEW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY.  237 

was  precisely  from  the  standpoint  of  IndifTerentisni,  that  it 
made  its  appearance.  It  manifested  itself  particularly  in 
the  view  now  current,  that  observance  of  outward  religious 
ordinances  joined  with  a  moral  and  sober  life  is  all  that  is 
noedbd  for  Christians.  These  opinions,  in  the  condition 
of  the  church  which  has  been  described,  found  quick  and 
easy  entrance ;  and  the  spread  of  unbelief  was,  in  general, 
i:uich  earlier  than  its  decided  open  manifestation. 

In  opposition  to  this  state  of  things,  a  peculiar  phenome- 
non now  presented  itself  in  the  religious  revivals.  They 
will  form  the  subject  of  the  next  and  closing  chapter  of 
our  work.  This  reaction,  it  is  true,  did  not  wholly  coun- 
teract the  declension ;  partly,  on  account  of  the  spurious 
elements  mingled  with  it ;  partly,  because  a  j^eriod  of  war 
and  agitation  followed,  in  which  the  inhabitants  of  New 
England  believed  their  very  existence  at  stake.  To  this 
w:is  added  financial  embarrassments,  the  consequence  of 
excessive  emissions  of  paper-money,  from  which  the  colo- 
nies were  suffering  even  before  the  French  colonial  war 
and  especially  during  its  continuance.  From  the  war  itself 
it  seemed  that  no  other  result  could  follow  than  the  subju- 
gation and  expulsion  of  the  conquered  party;  it  ended  in 
1762  with  the  seizure  of  all  Canada.  Scarcely  was  the 
foreign  foe  thus  removed  out  of  the  way,  when  the  vari- 
ance with  the  mother-country  rose  to  such  a  height  as 
to  occasion  the  war  of  the  Revolution  and  the  separation  of 
the  colonies.  During  the  war  of  Independence,  New  Eng- 
land itself  was  for  a  long  period  occupied  by  the  enemy. 
The  English,  in  whose  minds  rebellion  against  the  govern- 
ment stood  in  close  connection  with  separation  fi*om  the 
State  Church,  demolished  places  of  worship  and  destroyed 
the  church-property  of  Dissenters.*    Nor  must  we  overlook 

1  Wisner  relates  (p.  108,)  that  the  churches  were  used  as  prisons  and 


238  NEW  ENGLAND   THEOCRACY. 

the  influence  of  the  French  who  came  to  North  America 
and  were  there  taken  into  the  relation  of  friends  and  kins- 
men ;  those  especially  who  had  an  active  participation  in 
the  war  were  subjected  to  an  influence  inimical  to  positive 
Christianity.  Meanwhile,  unbelief  expressed  itself  in  a 
decided  form  as  Unitarianism,  and  overspread  all  New 
England.  When  a  christian  life  began  to  reawaken, 
churches,  church-property,  and  even  the  ancient  Univer- 
sity of  Cambridge,  were  found  to  be  in  the  hands  of  Uni- 
tarians. A  reaction  in  the  present  century  has  again 
changed  the  relation;  in  connection  with  which  the  Half- 
way Covenant  has  been  done  away ;  and  the  church,  now 
separated  wholly  from  the  state,  consists  only  of  members 
received  on  the  original  principle  of  the  Congregationalists. 
The  newly  awakened  life  has  quickly  remoulded  j^ublic  sen- 
timent into  enthusiastic  sympathy  with  the  Congregation- 
alists, while  the  influence  of  the  Unitarians  has  suffered  a 
constant  decline. 

These  relations,  as  they  do  not  properly  belong  as  yet  to 
the  province  of  history,  are  not  within  the  scope  of  our 
present  design.  It  only  remains  to  exhibit  such  of  their 
features  as  constituted,  in  reference  to  the  church,  essen- 
tially the  closing  boundary  of  the  first  period. 

riding  schools,  or  were  torn  down  for  fuel,  though  there  was  an  abundant 
supply  in  the  town.  Of  the  nineteen  places  of  worship  in  New  York  when 
the  war  began,  there  were  but  nine  fit  for  use  when  the  British  troops  left 
IL 


CHAPTER    IX. 

THE   REVIVALS. 

REVIVALS   IN  OEXERAL,  AND  THOSE   OF  NORTH  AMERICA.    IN   PAR- 
TICULAR. 

» 

The  reaction,  which  now  developed  itself  in  opposi- 
tion to  the  ever  growing  declension  of  the  New  England 
Church,  constitutes  a  peculiar  phenomenon.  The  Revivals 
did  not,  it  is  true,  realize  the  expectations  then  cherished ; 
indifference  to  the  institutions  and  the  faith  of  the  fathers 
being  predominant  in  the  church,  as  far  down  as  the  be- 
ginning of  the  present  century.  But  the  representation  of 
these  occurrences  is,  notwithstanding,  a  matter  of  very 
special  interest.  They  have  been  repeated  in  North  Amer- 
ica in  a  veVy  striking  manner  in  recent  times.  They  there 
form  one  of  the  main  subjects  of  reports  on  the  state  of 
religion,  in  the  periodical  press ;  and  they  occupy  a  very 
important  place  in  the  discussions  of  theological  literature. 
Different  views  are  indeed  entertained  in  North  Amer- 
ica, in  reference  to  the  methods  for  developing  and  con- 
ducting revivals.  But  all  the  principal  parties  of  the 
evangelical  church  are  of  one  mind  in  regard  to  their  impor- 
tance; though  by  some  a  higher  value  is  attached  to  them 
than  by  others.  But  with  the  theologians  of  North  Amer- 
ica, these  awakenings  of  a  previous  century  justly  rank  as, 
in  a  certain  sense,  the  type  of  such  manifestations ;  having 
been  free,  in  great  measure,  from  the  present  intermix- 


240  NEW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY. 

ture  of  foreign  elements.  They  are,  moreover,  the  better 
adapted  to  representation,  both  as  being  historically  com- 
pleted, and  as  having  their  origin  and  their  explanation  in 
that  progressive  development  of  Congregationalism,  which 
we  have  here  traced. 

A  REVIVAL,  that  is  a  simultaneous  renewal  and  advance 
of  the  religious  life  in  one  or  more  congregations,  is  indeed 
not  an  unknown  occurrence  in  the  cis-atlantic  churches. 
But  the  form  in  which  it  here  meets  us,  appears  but  rarely 
in  churches  which  grew,  to  a  greater  extent,  out  of  insti- 
tutions already  existing,  and  whose  development  has  taken 
a  more  uniform  course.  It  therefore  seems  appropriate,  in 
entering  on  a  delineation  of  these  Revivals,  to  consider  the 
analogy  presented  in  the  universal  development  of  Chris- 
tianity, and  consequently,  among  ourselves.  A  reference 
to  such  isolated  cases  in  Europe,  would  rather  itself  need 
this  explanation  and  illustration,  than  be  adapted  to  fur- 
nish it.  Revivals  in  the  churches  find  their  nearest  parallel 
in  the  conversion  of  individuals.  For  understanding  the 
latter  is  needed,  on  the  one  side,  knowledge  of  the  man's 
peculiar  characteristics,  position  in  life,  and  previous  course 
of  training ;  but  also,  on  the  other  side,  the  perception 
that  something  new  has  here  taken  place,  which  cannot  be 
fully  explained  from  the  sum  of  the  man's  earthly  rela- 
tions. As  viewed  from  this  side,  the  causal  condition  of 
conversion  lies  outside  the  sphere  of  his  earthly  life.  Those 
who  would  comprehend  the  entrance  of  divine  grace  into 
the  heart  of  an  individual,  can  only  do  it  by  ascertaining 
the  inward  state  with  which  this  grace  connects  itself 
In  this  manner  we  come  to  a  knowledge  of  the  begin- 
ning of  faith  in  ourselves  and  in  those  around  us.  Just  so, 
likewise,  can  we  trace  the  causes  of  siibsequent  manifesta- 
tions, whether  they  are  signs  of  farther  advancement,  or  of 


NEW  ENGLAND   THEOCRACY.  241 

a  partial  Imit,  or  of  retrogression.  In  the  interchange  of 
8iuli  knowledge  and  such  experiences  lies  the  importance 
and  the  blessing  of  christian  intercourse.  But  there  are 
cases  where  these  communications  are  not  limited  to  a 
narrow  circle ;  where  the  development  of  a  christian  life 
presents  a  form  adapted  to  general  exhibition.  This  is  the 
case  when  it  constitutes,  either  by  the  attainment  of  some 
life-aim  inspired  by  faith,  or  through  the  consummation  of 
the  earthly  life  in  the  Lord,  a  separate,  and,  in  a  certain 
sense,  a  perfected  whole;  when  it  is  manifest  that  the 
imity  of  the  single  active  labors  was  no  other  than  per- 
sonal union  with  the  Lord.  From  the  difficulties  experi- 
enced in  preparing  such  a  christian  biography,  especially 
in  respect  to  that  which,  in  the  proper  sense,  constitutes 
its  analogy  with  Revivals,  may  be  seen  what  we  have  to 
contend  with  in  the  delineation  of  the  latter.  Rare  indeed 
are  the  cases  where  all  the  requisites  of  such  a  biography 
are  at  command  and  the  sources  for  the  several  component 
features  within  reach ;  those  single  traits  which  disclose  the 
inner  impulse  of  the  life-development,  and  present  it  to 
view  as  a  connected  whole.  The  external  relations, —  how 
far  social  connections,  position,  and  calling  in  life,  account 
for  its  prosperous  or  retarded  growth,  —  these,  it  is  true, 
arc  more  accessible  to  the  inquirer.  But  not  so  easily  can 
it  be  ascertained,  how  far  the  earliest  development  of  char- 
acter indicated  a  state  susceptible  to  the  Lord's  call,  or 
how  fir  it  contained  adverse  and  disturbing  elements,  in 
wliich  subsequent  occasional  declensions,  or  periods  of  su- 
pineness,  might  find  their  explanation.  Not  so  easily  can 
we  ascertain,  whether  in  the  outward  activity  in  the  ser- 
\  ice  of  the  Lord,  in  that  which  the  eye  of  man  cannot  but 
regard  as  the  fniit  of  faith,  is  not  concealed  something 
false  and  selfish  j  or  whether  that  w^hich  to  lis  seems  to  be 

21 


242  NEW  ENGLAND  THEOC-RACY. 

self-complacency,  carelessness,  indifference,  is  not  the  ex- 
pression of  eternal  peace.  The  reports  of  acquaintances 
and  friends  are,  for  such  purposes,  but  an  insecure  reliance ; 
since  it  is  not  acts  or  words,  as  such,  which  are  here  in 
question,  but  the  connection  of  these  with  the  moral  sen- 
timent, with  the  Christianity  of  the  heart.  Even  the  por- 
traiture sketched,  perhaps  at  a  much  later  period,  by  the 
favored  individual  himself,  though  made  with  rigorous  self- 
examination  in  simplicity  and  humility,  is  yet  subject  to 
the  abatement  of  presenting  the  particulars  of  early  life 
from  the  stand-point  of  a  maturer  stage.  Very  seldom 
does  the  strictly  private  diary  or  genuine  confidential  cor- 
respondence meet  the  public  eye.  This  deficiency  meets 
us  in  a  very  special  manner,  at  the  initial  period  of  chris- 
tian development.  Even  with  those  whose  awakening  to 
a  new  life  has  occurred  in  a  more  striking  and  less  gradual 
manner,  there  is  certainly  no  disposition  in  tliis  excitement 
of  their  inner  being  to  institute  rigid  investigations  and 
nice  analyses  of  the  change,  or  to  impart  such  information 
to  others. 

When,  however,  the  same  phenomena  extend  over  sev- 
eral individuals,  we  are  able  to  trace  fartlier  the  causes 
of  the  subsequent  career;  the  inward  occurrence  takes  more 
readily  an  outward  manifestation.  Something  claiming  to 
be  the  stai-ting-point  of  a  new  life-development,  manifest- 
ing itself,  moreover,  in  each  individual  at  a  point  of  time 
fixed  with  more  or  less  certainty,  and  under  a  form  to  be 
recognized  with  more  or  less  distinctness,  is  a  phenome- 
non witnessed  in  the  christian  church,  simultaneously 
extending  over  numbers  of  persons.  The  Holy  Spirit 
indeed  lives  and  works  in  christian  communities  and  in 
the  Christian  Church  uninterruptedly  to  the  end  of  the 
world.     But  there  are  times  in  which  their  members  with- 


NEW  ENGLAND   THEOCRACY.  248 

draw  themselves  from  the  influence ;  times  when,  ensnared 
and  governed  by  worldly  interests,  they  have  their  hearts 
elsewhere ;  when  they  rend  the  earthly  life-development 
from  its  connection  with  the  fountain  of  life.  Such  times 
stand  before  us  in  harsh  lineaments  on  the  page  of  history. 
But  where  the  seed-corn  has  not  been  killed,  but  has  only 
died  that  it  may  bring  forth  fruit,  there  an  awakening 
comes  from  the  Lord  through  means  which  affect  not  only 
individuals,  but  churches  and  denominations.  Every  epoch 
of  christian  Church-history  is  to  be  regarded,  in  a  certain 
sense,  as  a  Revival ;  since,  whether  it  be  in  the  sphere  of 
the  practical  or  the  theoretical,  a  new  state  is  the  result. 
These  awakenings,  however,  differ  among  themselves,  with 
the  diff*erences  of  time,  of  place,  culture,  manners,  the 
character  of  churches  and  denominations;  just  as  the  con- 
version of  individuals  in  respect  to  their  personal  traits 
and  relations  in  life.  Where  all  these  relations  have 
developed  themselves  in  the  world,  in  a  greater  or  less 
estrangement  from  Christianity,  the  new  life  assumes  the 
form  of  an  isolated  phenomenon.  Such  are  the  awak- 
enings which  occur  in  connection  with  missions.  When, 
on  the  contrary,  the  relations  of  life,  having  been  to  a 
greater  or  less  degree  produced  and  penetrated  by  the 
christian  spirit,  bear  even,  as  is  too  often  the  case,  its  un- 
recognized stamp,  the  quickening  manifests  itself  more  as 
a  progressive  development  from  elements  already  present. 
As  such,  we  may  regard  the  Reformation,  so  far  as  it  had 
for  its  starting-point  the  longing  already  existing  in  the 
church  for  the  kingdom  of  God. 

The  Revivals  in  North  America,  both  those  which  form 
the  subject  of  our  narrative  and  those  of  recent  date,  are  re- 
vivals of  the  religious  spirit  in  a  practical  respect.  They  are 
occurrences  within  the  christian  congregation,  and  belong 


244  NEAY  ENGLAND   THEOCRACY. 

properly  to  its  relation  to  the  Pastor  or  spiritual  guide. 
In  their  nature  they  are  limited  to  such  a  congregation ; 
although  contemporaneous  phenomena  may  have  been  pro- 
duced by  similar  circumstances  in  neighboring  places.  We 
have  reports  also  of  such  revivals  in  Colleges  and  Theolog- 
ical Seminaries,  but  always  in  connection  with  the  relation 
held  by  the  teachers  to  the  students,  as  spiritual  guides. 

The  preceding  chapter  exhibits  the  hostile  influence  to 
which  these  Revivals  form  a  reaction.  It  was  not  prima- 
rily error  in  doctrine,  or  superstition  in  practice,  or  gross 
transgression  of  law,  but  lukewarmness  and  indiiference 
towards  the  religious  institutions  that  had  constituted  the 
palladium  of  the  pilgrim  fathers.  But  the  peculiar  char- 
acter of  this  reaction  stands,  it  is  evident,  in  close  connec- 
tion with  the  church-constitution  of  the  Congregation alists, 
and  with  the  course  of  their  development.  It  was  within 
the  congregation,  not  in  the  Church  as  an  organized  wliole, 
that  it  took  place.  The  clergy  indeed  gave  the  impulse ; 
but  they  were  not,  in  the  proper  sense,  the  dej^ositaries 
of  these  movements.  If  in  their  first  period,  the  Con- 
gregationalists,  in  spite  of  their  principles,  in  many  re- 
spects constituted  an  ecclesiastical  unity  (as  indeed  the 
events  before  narrated  are  connected  with  the  recognition 
of  such  a  unity)  this,  since  the  separation  from  the  State 
was  consummated,  had  now  ceased.  The  attempt  made 
by  means  of  the  Saybrook  Platform  for  securing  such  a 
unity  and  influence  of  the  clergy,  had  not  effected  the 
object.  But  although,  in  the  cases  to  come  before  us,  the 
Revivals  had  their  chief  seat  in  a  particular  congregation  ; 
yet  that  limitation  of  the  bounds  of  the  congregations 
which  existed  in  connexion  with  their  independence,  sug- 
gests also  a  closer  union  of  the  individual  members  among 
themselves,  forming  a  circle  through  which  such  a  religious 


NEW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY.  245 

interest  could  be  more  readily  propagated  and  extended. 
The  result  of  tlicse  occun-ences  was  indeed  but  temporary; 
their  force  being  crippled  by  circumstances  hereatler  to  Ihj 
detailed  in  particular.  But  it  may  perhaps  be  maintained, 
in  general,  that  the  want  of  a  Church  in  the  proper  sense, 
accounts  for  the  failure  of  the  salutaiy  influence  to  es- 
tablish itself  on  a  more  solid  basis,  and  to  secure  a  firmer 
hold. 

BEVIVAL   AT   NORTHAMPTON. 

We  are  now  concerned  particularly  with  two  events 
which  gave  expression  to  the  reaction  against  the  decay 
of  the  religious  life  of  New  England.  The  more  general 
one,  extending  over  nearly  the  whole  country  and  particu- 
larly over  Massachusetts,  occurred  about  the  year  1740.  It 
was  preceded  by  a  revival,  inconsiderable  in  respect  to 
local  extent,  in  the  church  at  Northampton  about  the  year 
1735,  which  is  to  be  regarded  not  merely  as  its  precursor, 
but  in  some  respects,  as  its  immediate  cause.  This  oc- 
cuiTed  under  the  guidance  of  Jonathan  Edwards,  Pastor 
of  the  church,  one  of  the  most  distinguished  theologians 
of  North  America,  from  whose  hand  we  have  a  detailed 
narrative  of  its  incidents,  with  special  reference  to  whrit 
was  peculiar  in  these  occurrences.  Occurrences  and  narra- 
tive still  rank  as  models  in  North  America.  Standing 
thus  by  itself,  in  respect  both  to  time  and  place,  this  Re- 
vival invites  the  attempt  to  portray,  in  clear  sharp  outline, 
its  characteristic  features.  For  this  reason,  yye  shall  pre- 
sent a  copious  detail  of  its  phenomena,  concluding  with 
the  account  of  the  more  extended  and  general  Revivals. 

The  following  sketch  is  taken  from  an  account  published 
in  the  year  1737,  entitled  :  "A  faithful  narrative  of  the  sur- 
prising work  of  God  in  the  convei-sion  of  many  hundred 

21* 


246  NEW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY. 

souls  in  Northampton  (Massachusetts)  in  tlie  year  1735, 
by  Jonathan  Edwards."  It  was  again  publisliod  in  New 
York,  1832,  together  with  his  "Thoughts  on  the  Revival 
of  religion  in  New  England  in  1742  and  the  way  in  which 
it  ought  to  be  acknowledged  and  j^romoted."  The  present 
editor  has  prefixed  testimonials  from  several  North  Ameii- 
can  Theologians  from  different  religiojis  denominations; 
among  them  the  following  from  the  President  and  Profes- 
sors of  the  Princeton  College,  New  Jersey :  "  We  know  of 
no  works  on  the  subject  of  Revivals  of  Religion,  at  once 
so  scriptural,  discriminating,  and  instructive,  as  those  of 
the  late  illustrious  President  Edwards.  At  the  present 
day,  when  this  subject  so  justly  engages  a  large  share  of 
the  attention  of  the  religious  public,  we  should  be  glad  if  a 
copy  of  the  volume  proposed  to  be  republished  could  be 
placed  in  every  dweUing  in  the  United  States.  It  exhibits 
the  nature  of  genuine  revivals  of  religion,  the  best  means 
of  promoting  them,  the  abuses  and  dangers  to  which  they 
are  liable,  and  the  duty  of  guarding  against  these  abuses 
and  dangers,  with  a  degree  of  spiritual  discernment  and 
practical  wisdom,  which  have  commanded  the  approbation 
of  the  friends  of  Zion  for  the  greater  part  of  a  century." 
The  "  Faithful  Narrative  "  ii3  in  the  form  of  a  letter  to  Dr. 
Colman,  a  minister  in  Boston,  dated  November  6th  1736. 
From  the  beginning  of  this  letter  we  learn  what  had  given 
occasion  to  it.  Tidings  of  these  occurrences  had  reached 
London,  where  they  had  made  a  great  impression.  Watts 
and  Guyse,  two  Congregationalist  ministers,  as  well  as  the 
church  of  the  latter,  wishing  to  receive  information  respect- 
ing them  from  an  eye-witness,  applied  to  the  above-named 
Colman,  who  requested  Edwards  to  furnish  the  account. 
The  latter  had  at  first  hesitated  to  give  tlie  facts  i)ublicity, 
through   fear  that   they  might   seem   incredible;   but   he 


NEW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY.  247 

now  felt  himself,  as  he  says,  especially  called  on  to  under- 
take what  had  been  desired.  His  narrative  was  then  pulv 
lished  by  Watts  and  Guyse,  accompanied  by  a  preface  from 
themselves  as  well  as  from  ministers  of  Boston ;  it  was  con- 
firmed, also,  by  the  express  testimony  of  the  ministers  in  the 
neighborhood  of  Northampton,  as  a  narrative  of  what  had 
passed  before  their  own  eyes.  "Watts  and  Guyse  say  of  it 
in  their  Preface :  "  We  are  fully  convinced  of  the  truth  of 
this  narrative,  not  only  from  the  character  of  the  author, 
but  from  the  concurrent  testimony  of  many  other  persons 
in  New  England ;  for  this  thing  was  not  done  in  a  corner." 
"  It  is,  we  are  informed,  a  tract  of  country  with  twelve  or 
fourteen  townships,  lying  chiefly  within  the  county  of  Hamp- 
shire on  the  Connecticut  river,  wherein  it  has  pleased  God 
two  years  ago  to  display  his  free  and  sovereign  grace  in  the 
conversion  of  a  great  multitude  of  souls  in  a  short  space  of 
time,  turning  them  from  a  formal,  cold  and  careless  profes- 
sion of  Christianity  to  the  lively  exercise  of  every  christian 
grace,  and  to  the  powerful  practice  of  our  holy  religion." 
The  narrative  is  divided  into  five  chapters.  First,  after  a 
brief  reference  to  previous  circumstances,  is  given  a  general 
sketch  of  the  revival  in  Northampton.  The  second  chapter 
contains  a  detailed  description,  with  very  copious  reflections, 
of  the  particular  manner  in  which  the  religious  quickening 
developed  itself  in  individual  cases.  Here  is  shown,  in  con- 
nection with  an  exact  acquaintance  with  the  state  of  the 
church,  a  deep  knowledge  of  the  wants  of  the  human  heart 
universally,  and  of  the  manner  in  which  the  seed  sown 
springs  up  in  the  plant  which  brings  forth  fruit ;  only  the 
diflTerent  stages  of  the  course  of  development  are  not  always 
sufiiciently  distinguished,  nor  the  tran.sitions  made  perfectly 
clear  and  obvious.  To  the  attempt  to  present  a  connected 
view  of  the  contents  of  these  first  two  chapters  we  shall  add 


248  NEAY   ENGLAND   THEOCRACY. 

a  brief  summary  of  the  three  others,  which  consist  of  apolo- 
getic reflections,  the  narrative  of  two  particular  cases,  and 
an  account  of  the  causes  which  led  to  a  decline. 

The  town  of  Northampton,  in  the  county  of  Hampshire 
in  Massachusetts,  lies  in  the  interior  of  the  country  remote 
from  connection  with  the  sea.  It  had,  as  Edwards  tells  us, 
comparatively  little  intercourse  with  other  parts  of  the  pro- 
vince, which  at  that  time  was,  in  general,  sparsely  peopled, 
and  without  the  present  means  of  communication.  Founded 
about  the  year  1654,  it  numbered  in  1736  some  two  hun- 
dred families,  who  dwelt  more  compactly  together  than  was 
usual  in  places  of  its  size.  To  this,  perhaps,  in  connection 
its  greater  isolation  in  other  respects,  it  was  owing  that 
impressions  of  whatever  kind  spread  among  them  with 
greater  rapidity  than  elsewhere.  Their  first  minister,  Elea- 
zer  Mather,  a  brother  of  the  celebrated  Increase  Mather, 
was  ordained  there  in  1669,  and  died  two  years  after.  Mr. 
Stoddard,  his  successor,  who  was  the  grandfather  of  our 
narrator,  exerci«?ed  his  oflice  as  preacher  in  Northampton 
from  1672  to  1729,  and  was  the  immediate  predecessor  of 
Edwards.  "With  the  peculiar  views  of  Stoddard  and  their 
disagreement  with  the  principles  of  Congregationalism,  we 
have  already  become  acquainted.  His  grandson,  who  on 
those  questions  took  ground  entirely  opposite,  testifies  to 
the  great  zeal  with  which  he  discharged  his  ministerial 
duties;  and  Mr. -Stoddard  himself,  in  relating  the  repeated 
instances  of  extraordinary  religious  interest  which  crowned 
his  labors,  was  accustomed  to  say  that  he  had  had  five  har- 
vests. Towards  the  end  of  his  life,  however,  a  worldliness 
of  spirit  prevailed  in  the  town,  which  maintained  its  pre- 
dominance likewise  through  the  first  years  of  Edwards's 
ministry.  In  single  cases,  indeed,  there  was  still  manifested 
an  interest  in  the  word  of  God ;  but  the  younger  members 


NEW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY.  249 

of  the  congregation  held  themselves  almost  entirely  aloof 
from  it,  as  well  as  from  the  restraints  of  family  influence. 
Thus,  in  utter  contrariety  to  the  custom  of  the  country  and 
of  their  forefathers,  they  turned  the  Sunday  into  a  day  of 
amusement,  to  great  public  scandal  and  the  disturbance  of 
family  order. 

Towards  the  end  of  the  year  1733,  a  change  commenced 
in  the  congregation.  Through  the  admonitions  of  the  pas- 
tor, joined  with  the  eflcirts  of  heads  of  families,  these  scan- 
dalous evils  were  removed  and  a  more  lively  interest  awak- 
ened in  the  worship  of  God.  Things  were  thus  progressing, 
M'hen  there  occurred  two  cases  of  death,  which  excited  gen- 
eral attention.  In  April  1734,  a  young  man  in  the  bloom 
of  youth  sickened  with  a  violent  pleurisy,  became  immedi- 
ately delirious  and  died  within  two  days.  Shortly  after, 
followed  the  death  of  a  young  w^oman.  She  had  been  much 
occupied  about  the  state  of  her  soul,  previous  to  her  seiz- 
ure; but  now  found  herself,  at  first,  in  great  disquietude. 
At  length  she  ^vas  filled  with  the  consciousness  of  the  sav- 
ing mercy  of  God,  and  died  in  joyful  hope,  counselling  and 
exhorting  others  in  a  very  earnest  and  affecting  manner. 
The  excitement  thus  produced  received  an  added  impulse 
through  the  opposition  then  rising  in  New  England  against 
the  doctrine  of  justification  by  faith.  The  spread  of  such  a 
tendency  might  easily  have  had  the  effect  of  lulling,  or  of 
satisfying,  to  outward  appearance,  the  germinating  religious 
interest ;  but,  as  things  now  were,  it  contributed  rather  to 
engage  the  public  mind  to  a  still  greater  degree  in  the  mat- 
tere  of  religion,  and  thereby  to  counteract  the  prevailing 
evil  of  indifference.  Scarcely  had  a  few  begun  to  think 
earnestly  upon  their  state,  than  the  excitement  spread  ;  ex- 
hibiting in  its  manifestations,  though  with  varieties  of 
form  in  different  individuals,  an  essential  general  corre- 
spondence. 


250  NEW  ENGLAND   THEOCRACY. 

Thus,  as  "was  natural,  a  knowledge  of  their  sinful  state 
was  its  first  result ;  but  to  this  they  were  led  in  a  variety 
of  ways.  Some  who  had  hitherto  been  secure  and  uncon- 
cerned in  regard  to  their  spiritual  condition,  were  suddenly 
seized  with  a  sense  of  their  corruption ;  their  consciences 
were  smitten  "as  if  they  were  pierced  through  with  a 
dart. "  In  others,  these  first  impressions  w^ere  more  grad- 
ual. They  began  at  first  to  be  somewhat  more  thoughtful 
and  considerate,  so  as  to  come  to  the  conclusion  that  it  was 
best  and  wisest  to  delay  no  longer,  but  to  improve  the 
present  opportunity ;  awakening  themselves  still  farther  by 
earnest  reflection,  they  came  at  length  to  a  firm  and  clear 
conviction  of  their  sinfulness.  Others  still,  who  previously 
had  been,  to  a  certain  degree,  religiously  inclined  and  con- 
cerned for  the  salvation  of  their  souls,  were  now  awakened 
in  a  new  manner;  becoming  sensible  that  their  dull  and 
negligent  endeavors  w^ere  not  likely  to  attain  their  purpose, 
they  were  roused  to  ijew  efforts  to  enter  the  kingdom  of 
heaven.  This  knowledge  of  one's  own  state,  though  indeed 
it  is  but  the  beginning  of  a  new  life,  and  a  preparation  for 
passing  into  it,  manifested  itself  in  most  cases,  at  the  very 
outset,  as  no  dead  conviction.  The  immediate  effect  was 
twofold.  On  the  one  hand,  evil  practices  and  sinful  habits 
of  life  were  seen  to  be  forsaken  ;  long-standing  quarrels  and 
slanders,  mischievous  intermeddling  with  the  affairs  of  oth- 
ers, and  the  various  manifestations  of  levity  ceased;  and 
while  new  sacredness  was  attached  to  the  Sabbath,  each 
day  w^as  regarded  as  a  day  of  the  Lord.  On  the  other 
hand,  was  witnessed  an  application  to  the  means  through 
which  deliverance  from  the  former  state  might  be  hoped 
for,  reading  of  the  Bible,  prayer,  reflection,  the  ordinances 
of  the  church,  and  conferences  for  mutual  benefit.  Their 
cry  was :  What  must  I  do  to  be  saved  ? 


NEW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY.  251 

Progress,  in  such  tiroes  of  religious  excitement,  is  identi- 
cal with  practical  earnestness  in  the  settlement  of  this  ques- 
tion. One  may  indeed  become  conscious  that  he  has  com- 
mitted sin  and  is  a  sinner;  but  this  concern  may  bo  soon 
quieted  or  may  pass  away,  if  the  conviction  is  not  added 
that  men's  sins  are  their  destruction.  Assent  to  this  truth 
is  indispensable ;  but  its  utterance  from  the  whole  heart, 
free  from  all  reserve  and  qualification,  is  at  the  price  of 
bitter  humiliation.  Submission  to  this  conviction  is  hard 
to  the  proud  heart ;  progress  in  it  and  deliverance  from  it 
difficult  for  the  despairing  heart.  The  conflicts  and  hin- 
drances experienced  in  connection  with  the  revival  at 
Northampton  arose  chiefly  from  the  latter  source.  Thus, 
it  soon  became  general  (though  under  various  forms  of 
expression),  for  individuals  to  declare  themselves  sensible 
that  while  in  sin  they  were  on  the  way  to  destruction. 
This  was  accompanied  by  a  state  of  extraordinary  anxiety 
and  disquiet.  Some  expressed  themselves  as  so  affected  by 
the  consciousness  of  their  sin  and  guilt  that  they  were  una- 
ble to  sleep  at  night ;  others,  that  on  lying  down,  the 
thought  of  sleeping,  in  this  condition  was  so  frightful,  that 
they  were  scarcely  free  from  terror  even  when  asleep,  and 
on  awakening,  fear,  heaviness  and  distress  were  still  abiding 
on  their  spirits.  Yet  sometimes  these  pei^sons  supposed 
themselves  to  be  wholly  without  feeling,  forsaken  by  the 
Spiiit  of  God,  and  given  over  to  hardness  of  heart.  Thus 
with  a  well-grounded 'anxiety,  arising  from  the  conscious- 
ness of  sin,  was  mingled  an  unnecessary  distress  and  melan- 
choly, which,  as  Edwards  remarks,  exposed  those  who  were 
thus  aiTectcd,  to  dangerous  temptation,  and  hindered  their 
progress  in  the  good  way.  "One  knows  not,"  he  adds, 
"  how  to  deal  with  such  ;  they  turn  everything  that  is  said  to 
them  the  wrong  way,  and  to  their  own  disadvantage ;  next 


252  NEW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY. 

to  the  actual  corruption  of  the  human  heart,  there  seems  to 
be  nothing  so  dangerous  to  men  in  the  way  of  temptation, 
as  a  melancholy  humor."  This  was  particularly  manifest  in 
connection  with  their  inward  conflicts.  The  feeling  of  their 
ruined  state  rose  in  some  individuals  to  such  a  height,  that 
soul  and  body  could  scarcely  endure  it,  nay,  they  were  near 
sinking  under  their  misery ;  yet  still  declaring  themselves 
amazed  at  their  own  insensibility  and  sottishness  in  such  an 
extraordinary  time.  It  was  evident  that  this  feeling,  if  not 
in  some  way  relieved,  must  lead  to  utter  despair.  It  was  a 
frequent  expression  of  some,  under  the  conviction  of  their 
sinfulness,  that  they  seemed  to  themselves  to  differ  from  all 
others,  and  being  the  worst  and  vilest  of  all,  could  never 
hope  to  obtain  mercy.  Many,  indeed,  whose  convictions 
had  taken  this  melancholy  turn,  were  seized  with  a  strong 
feeling  of  envy  towards  those  among  their  associates  and 
acquaintances  who  had  been  truly  converted;  at  other 
times,  their  hearts  rose  against  God  in  their  despair,  and 
murmured  at  his  dealings  with  others,  and  particularly  with 
themselves. 

When  conviction  of  the  need  of  redemption  has  taken 
possession  of  the  heart  with  such  completeness  and  j^ower, 
there  could  supervene  no  pause ;  it  would  be  fatal.  But 
the  efforts  put  forth  for  help,  would  first  lead  one  to  try  his 
own  strength.  The  attempts  made  to  reach,  through  this, 
the  goal  so  desired  and  longed  for,  are,  it  is  true,  con- 
nected with  a  still  defective  knowledge  of  one's  own  sinful- 
ness; and  Edwards  indeed  speaks  of  the  tendency  still 
often  manifested  to  fix  the  attention  exclusively  on  single 
and  outward  transgressions.  Self-confidence  is,  moreover, 
properly  a  temptation  whose  source  is  pride  of  heart ;  but  it 
always  mingles  itself  also  in  a  certain  manner,  though  per- 
haps in  a  slighter  degree,  with  the  feeling  of  despair.     The 


NEW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY.  258 

]>o(MiHnr  way  in  which  these  legal  efforts  appeared,  at  North- 
ampton, as  the  transition-struggle  into  true  conviction  of 
personal  inability,  shows  that  also  in  this  stage  of  devel- 
opment such  temptations  predominated.  Edwards  depicts 
these  efforts,  as  they  presented  themselves  in  general,  in  a 
form  more  or  less  painful,  longer  or  shorter  in  duration, 
in  the  following  words : 

"Very  often  under  first  awakenings,  when  they  are 
brought  to  reflect  on  the  sin  of  their  past  lives,  and  have 
something  of  a  terrifying  sense  of  God's  anger,  they  set 
themselves  to  walk  more  strictly,  and  confess  their  sins, 
and  perform  many  religious  duties,  with  a  secret  hope  of 
appeasing  God's  anger,  and  making  up  for  the  sins  they 
have  committed ;  and  oftentimes,  at  first  setting  out,  their 
afiections  are  moved,  and  they  are  full  of  tears  in  their 
confessions  and  prayers,  which  they  are  ready  to  make 
much  of,  as  though  they  were  some  atonement,  and  had 
power  to  move  correspondent  afiections  in  God  too ;  and 
hence  they  are  for  a  while  big  with  expectation  of  what 
God  will  do  for  them,  and  conceive  that  they  grow  better 
apace,  and  shall  soon  be  thoroughly  converted.  But  these 
affections  are  but  short-lived,  they  quickly  find  that  they 
fiiil,  and  then  they  think  themselves  to  be  grown  worse 
again;  they  do  not  find  such  a  prospect  of  bemg  converted 
as  they  thought ;  instead  of  being  nearer,  they  seem  to  be 
farther  off;  their  hearts  they  think  are  grown  harder,  and 
by  this  means,  their  fears  of  perishing  greatly  increase. 
But  though  they  are  disappointed,  they  renew  their  at- 
tempts again  and  again;  and  still  as  their  attempts  are 
multiplied,  so  are  their  disappointments ;  all  fail,  they  see 
no  token  of  having  inclined  God's  heart  to  them,  they  do 
not  see  that  he  hears  their  prayers  at  all,  as  they  expected 
he  would ;  and  sometimes  there  have  been  great  tempta- 

22 


254  NEW   ENGLAND   THEOCRACY. 

tions  arising  hence  to  leave  off  seeking,  and  to  yield  np  the 
case.  But  as  they  are  still  more  terrified  with  the  fears  of 
perishing,  and  their  former  hopes  of  prevailing  on  God  to 
be  merciful  to  them  in  a  great  measure  fail,  sometimes 
their  religious  affections  have  turned  into  heart-risings 
against  God,  because  ttat  he  would  not  pity  them,  and 
seems  to  have  little  regard  to  their  distress  and  piteous 
cries,  and  to  all  the  pains  they  take.  They  think  of  the 
mercy  that  God  has  shown  to  others,  how  soon,  and  how 
easily  others  have  obtained  comfort,  and  those  too  that 
were  worse  than  they,  and  have  not  labored  so  much  as 
they  have  done,  and  sometimes  they  have  even  had  dread- 
ful blasphemous  thoughts  in  these  circumstances. 

"But  when  they  reflect  on  these  wicked  workings  of 
heart  against  God,  if  their  convictions  are  continued  and  the 
Spirit  of  God  is  not  provoked  utterly  to  forsake  them,  they 
have  more  distressing  apprehensions  of  the  anger  of  God 
towards  those  whose  hearts  work  after  such  a  sinful  man- 
ner about  him ;  and  it  may  be  have  great  fears  that  they 
have  committed  the  unpardonable  sin,  or  that  God  will 
surely  never  show  mercy  to  them  that  are  such  vipers,  and 
are  often  tempted  to  leave  off  in  despair. 

"  But  then  perhaps,  by  something  they  read  or  hear  of  the 
infinite  mercy  of  God  and  all-sufl^ciency  of  Christ  for  the 
chief  of  sinners,  they  have  some  encouragement  and  hope 
renewed ;  but  they  think  that  as  yet  they  are  not  fit  to 
come  to  Christ,  they  are  so  wicked  that  Christ  will  never 
accept  them;  and  then  it  may  be,  they  set  themselves 
upon  a  new  course  of  fruitless  endeavors  in  their  own 
strength  to  make  themselves  better,  and  still  meet  with 
new  disappointments;  they  are  earnest  to  inquire  what 
they  shall  do.  They  do  not  know  but  there  is  something 
else  to  be  done,  in  order  to  their  obtaining  converting 


NEW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY.  255 

grace,  that  tlicy  have  never  done  yet.  It  may  be  they 
hope  they  are  something  better  than  they  were;  but  tlien 
the  pleasing  dream  all  vanishes  again.  If  they  are  told 
that  they  trust  too  much  to  their  own  strength  and  right- 
eousness, they  cannot  unlearn  this  practice  all  at  once,  and 
find  not  yet  the  appearance  of  any  gootl,  but  all  looks  as 
dark  as  midnight  to  them.  Thus  they  wander  about  from 
mountain  to  hill,  seeking  rest  and  finding  none ;  when  they 
are  beat  out  of  one  refuge,  they  fly  to  another,  till  they 
are,  as  it  were,  broken,  debilitated,  and  subdued  with  legal 
Immblings ;  in  which  God  gives  them  a  conviction  of  their 
own  utter  helplessness  and  insufficiency,  and  discovers  the 
true  remedy  in  a  clearer  knowledge  of  Christ  and  his  gos- 
pel." 

Thus  have  we  jxjrtrayed  in  the  author's  own  words,  the 
process  by  which  conviction  of  sinfulness,  and  of  the  destruc- 
tive nature  of  sin,  was  develojxjd  into  the  sense  of  ix?rsonal 
insufficiency  and  helplessness.  It  would  naturally  be  ex- 
pected, that  now  the  eye  w^ould  be  tunied  in  quest  of  the 
promises  of  God's  mercy.  But  our  naiTator  here  adds  a 
detailed  exhibition  of  the  generally  prevailing  views  re- 
specting God's  holiness  and  justice;  thus  assigning  the 
turning-point  in  the  conflict  to  the  time  when  the  real 
enemy  began  to  reign.  It  was  from  the  very  stand-point 
of  legal  effort,  that  the  inquiring  spirit  now  gave  itself  up 
in  a  singular  manner  to  speculation  on  the  penal  justice  of 
God.  So  entirely  did  this  occupy  the  soul  as  to  leave  no 
room  for  any  other  mental  operation.  The  belief  of  being 
given  over  to  eternal  destruction,  and  the  grounds  of  tliis 
conviction,  were  stated  under  a  variety  of  fonns.  Edwards 
says :  "  Some  viewed  Grod  as  sovereign,  and  that  he  might 
receive  others  and  reject  them ;  some  expressed  themselves 
as  convinced  that  God  might  justly  bestow  mercy  on  eveiy 


256  NEW   ENGLAND   THEOCRACY. 

person  in  the  town,  and  on  every  person  in  the  world,  and 
damn  themselves  to  all  eternity;  some,  that  God  may 
justly  have  no  regard  to  all  the  pains  they  have  taken,  and 
all  the  prayers  they  have  made ;  some  that  they  see,  if  they 
should  seek,  and  take  the  utmost  pains  all  their  lives,  God 
might  justly  cast  them  into  hell  at  last,  because  all  their 
labors,  prayers  and  tears,  cannot  make  an  atonement  for 
the  least  sin,  nor  merit  any  blessing  at  the  hands  of  God. 
Some  have  declared  themselves  to  be  in  the  hands  of  God, 
that  he  can  and  may  dispose  of  them  just  as  he  j^leases; 
some  that  God  may  glorify  himself  in  their  damnation,  and 
they  wonder  that  God  has  suffered  them  to  live  so  long, 
and  has  not  cast  them  into  hell  long  ago." 

EA'en  if  we  separate  the  meaning  of  these  words  from 
their  peculiar  phraseology,  there  yet  seems  to  be  here  the 
intermingling  of  some  foreign  and  disturbing  element ;  at 
least,  they  are  not  the  expression  of  progress,  but  still 
belong  wholly  to  the  legal  stand-point.  It  is  only  from 
this  stand-point  that  one,  truly  conscious  of  deserving  the 
penalty  of  destruction  for  his  own  guilt,  can,  on  a  compari- 
son of  himself  with  others,  recognize  the  divine  justice  in 
their  exemption  from  it.  He  who  has  found  by  experi- 
ence, that  the  goal  is  not  to  be  reached  by  the  most  stren- 
uous efforts  of  his  own,  looks  away,  in  the  feeling  of  his 
helplessness,  towards  the  mercy  of  God,  and  where  lie  sees 
this  shown  to  others,  he  rejoices  in  the  token  that  here  the 
very  thing  has  happened  for  which  he  himself  hopes.  In  a 
christian  community,  experience  of  the  insufficiency  of 
means,  employed  in  dependence  on  one's  own  strength, 
cannot  be  conceived  of  as  unaccompanied  by  a  reasonable 
hope  in  the  help  of  God ;  and  this  help  must  present  itself 
to  the  mind,  as  that  wherein  it  is  God's  will  to  glorify 
himself. 


NEW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY.  267 

Now  Edwards  maintains  that  "  every  minister,  in  such 
circumstances,  will  find  liimself  under  a  necessity  greatly 
to  insist  upon  it  that  God  is  under  no  manner  of  obligation 
to  show  any  mercy  to  any  natural  man  whose  heart  is  not 
turned  to  God;  and  that  a  man  can  challenge  nothing, 
cither  in  absolute  justice  or  hy  free  promise,  from  anything 
lie  does  before  he  has  believed  in  Jesus  Christ,  or  has  true 
repentance  begun  in  him."  If  indeed  no  doctrine  of  Scrip- 
ture can  be  alleged  in  opposition  to  these  grounds  of  fear, 
so  presented,  it  may  yet  well  be  doubted  whether  the 
application  of  them  made  in  the  following  passage  could  bo 
really  salutary :  **  I  hi.ye  found,"  says  Edwards,  "  that  no 
discourses  were  more  remarkably  blessed,  than  those  in 
which  the  doctrine  of  God's  absolute  sovereignty  with  re- 
gard to  the  sftlvation  of  sinners,  and  his  just  liberty  with 
regard  to  answering  the  prayers  or  succeeding  the  pains  of 
mere  natural  men,  continuing  such,  have  been  insisted  on. 
I  have  never  found  so  much  immediate  saving  fruit,  in  any 
measure,  of  any  discourses  I  have  offered  to  my  congrega- 
tion, as  some  from  those  Avords,  Rom.  3:  19,  'That  every 
mouth  may  be  stopped ; '  endeavoring  to  show  from  thence 
that  it  would  be  just  with  God  forever  to  reject  and  cast 
off  mere  natural  men."  But  the  persons  thus  addressed, 
although  they  had  not,  in  their  spiritual  conflict,  wholly 
risen  above  the  stand-point  of  legal  endeavors,  were  no 
longer  to  be  designated  as  mere  natural  men ;  yet,  since  they 
had  not  already  experienced  in  their  hearts  the  word  of  for- 
giveness, they  must,  each  in  particular,  account  themselves 
among  the  rejected.  Hence  such  expressions  as  the  fol- 
lowing, which  Edwards,  however,  contemplates  as  the  fruit 
of  a  high  exercise  of  grace,  in  saving  repentance,  and  evan- 
gelical humiliation :  "  They  found  a  sort  of  complacency  of 
soul  in  the  attribute  of  God's  justice,  as  displayed  in  his 

22* 


258  XEW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY. 

threatenings  of  eternal  damnation  to  sinners.  Sometimes 
at  the  discovery  of  it,  they  can  hardly  forbear  crying  out, 
*'T  is  just !  "T  is  just ! '  Some  express  themselves  that 
they  see  the  glory  of  God  would  shine  bright  in  their  own 
condemnation ;  and  they  are  ready  to  think  that  if  they 
are  damned,  they  could  take  part  with  God  against  them- 
selves, and  would  glorify  his  justice  therein."  Some  ex- 
pressed to  our  narrator  "  a  feeling  of  willingness  to  be 
damned."  To  this  he  adds,  however,  that  "these  persons 
had,  it  must  be  owned,  no  clear  and  distinct  ideas  of  dam- 
nation, nor  does  any  word  of  the  Bible  require  such  a  self- 
denial  as  this."  Could  we  even  regard  it  as  an  exalted  sense 
of  their  unworthiness  to  be  partakers  of  God's  grace ;  yet  in 
this  tendency  of  the  feelings  there  ever  lies,  in  connection 
with  the  essential  contradiction  in  the  mode  of  expression, 
great  danger,  if  not  of  absolute  despair,  yet  of  abandon- 
ment to  the  severest  assaults  of  despondency.  Still,  at 
this  time,  chiefly  through  the  labors  of  a  pastor  well  ac- 
quainted with  the  condition  and  wants  of  the  human  soul, 
progress  of  the  most  important  character  succeeded  to 
these  legal  apprehensions  and  strivings.  We  shall  now, 
having  thus  far  shown  the  process  in  which  old  things 
passed  away,  proceed  to  exhibit  that,  in  which  all  became 
new. 

As  there  is  but  one  ground  for  real  disquietude  of  soul, 
sin ;  so  also  there  is  but  one  ground  of  peace,  namely,  the 
grace  of  God  in  Christ.  This  it  was,  which  after  all  these 
conflicts  manifested  itself  in  Northampton,  and  herein  was 
the  change  thus  effected  also  one  and  the  same.  But 
varied  were  the  forms  in  which  the  Lord  revealed  himself 
to  the  perturbed  spirits,  varied  their  accounts  of  what  they 
had  experienced.  To  both  these  points  we  will  now  give 
our  consideration. 


NEW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY.  259 

In  exact  accordance  with  the  individual  character,  this 
or  that  particular  attribute  of  God,  of  Christ,  rose  up  be- 
fore the  soul  which  had  been  penetrated  with  the  sense  of 
its  own  helplessness.  Now  it  was  the  thought  of  God's 
grace  and  mercy  in  general,  now  of  his  infinite  power  to 
save  men  and  lead  them  in  the  way  of  salvation,  now  of 
tlie  divine  trutli  and  faitlifulness  in  reference  to  particular 
jtromises.  With  some,  the  divinity  of  Christ  as  the  Son 
of  God,  chiefly  engaged  the  thoughts;  with  others,  his 
reconciling  death.  Many  dwelt  chiefly  on  the  obedience 
or  the  love  of  the  Saviour,  or  on  the  excellence  of  the  way 
of  salvation  by  Christ,  and  its  correspondence  to  all  their 
wants.  This  change  was,for  the  most  part,  placed  in  explicit 
connection  with  the  Holy  Scriptures,  in  some  cases  with 
entire  passages  and  a  succession  of  promises,  in  some,  like- 
wise, with  a  particular  word  or  a  single  promise ;  while  in 
others  the  calm  began  without  direct  connection,  by  read- 
ing or  meditation,  with  any  particular  portion  or  expres- 
sion of  Scripture. 

In  respect  to  the  accounts  given  by  the  persons  so  af- 
fected,—  it  was,  in  most  cases,  the  specific  thouglit  of 
Christ,  which  in  this  transition  gave  joy  to  the  soul.  With 
some,  however,  he  was  tlie  object  of  the  mind  in  a  more 
implied  manner,  and  they  spoke  particularly  of  their  sense 
f  the  sufliciency  of  God's  grace  for  them  and  for  the 
whole  world.  From  a  careful  weighing  of  their  expres- 
sions and  after  searching  interrogation,  it  became  clear 
that  the  revelation  of  God's  grace  in  the  Gospel  formed 
the  ground  of  their  encouragement  and  hope ;  that  it  was 
indeed  the  mercy  of  God  through  Christ  which  had  been 
discovered  to  them,  and  that  it  was  this  "on  which  they 
relied,  not  upon  anything  in  themselves.  Although  they 
had   felt   the  divine  call  without   thinking  explicitly  of 


260  NEW  ENGLAXD  THEOCRACY. 

Christ,  yet  afterwards,  they  were  taught  by  their  own  ex- 
periences that  it  was,  nevertheless,  the  call  made  by  God 
to  sinners  through  his  Son.  One  peculiarity  is  especially 
noticeable.  Yery  many,  after  such  an  effectual  working  of 
the  Lord  upon  them,  had  no  idea  that  such  a  thing  had 
occurred,  but  still  remained  in  expectation  of  something 
farther,  of  which  they  could  themselves  give  no  account. 
In  their  view,  the  customary  expressions  used  to  describe 
conversion,  and  the  gracious  operations  of  the  Holy  Spirit, 
were  not  appropriate  to  their  state.  Such  terms  as  spirit- 
ual sight  of  Christ,  faith  in  Christ,  poverty  of  spirit,  trust 
in  God,  submission  to  God,  seemed  not  to  produce  in  them 
corresponding  ideas.  Edwards  remarks  that  this  imperfect 
conception  of  their  own  state  had  an  essential  connection 
with  their  former  false  conceptions  of  the  operations  of 
God's  grace,  which,  indeed,  cannot  be  perceived  or  under- 
stood by  the  natural  man.  But  to  this  our  narrator  justly 
adds,  that  they  were  too  much  filled  with  the  superabun- 
dance of  these  new  and  joyful  emotions  to  institute  such 
examinations  in  regard  to  themselves.  The  fact  that  re- 
flection in  respect  to  their  state  did  not  predominate  in  the 
accounts  given  by  the  converts  of  their  first  steps  of  pro- 
gress in  the  way  of  peace,  affords  indeed  a  striking  proof 
that  these  phenomena  belonged  to  their  own  living  expe- 
rience, and  were  no  deception.  And,  as  the  new  life  had 
not  manifested  itself  to  the  awakened  precisely  according 
to  their  preconceived  notions,  so  they  were,  in  general, 
still  less  able  to  fix  the  time  when  the  first  tokens  appeared 
that  the  gracious  impressions  had  become  effectual.  With 
many,  the  enlightening  was  of  a  more  gradual  character, 
and  by  such,  as  Edwards  very  beautifully  remarks,  the  first 
dawning  which  precedes  the  full  light  was  often  wholly 
overlooked. 


NEW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY.  261 

The  path,  from  the  starting  point  of  the  christian  life  to 
its  final  goal,  is  not  hero  on  earth  an  entirely  smooth  one. 
Even  where  the  consciousness  of  divine  assistance  has  been 
added  to  the  experience  of  its  power,  there  intervenes  a 
time  of  conflict- and  temptation.  Thus  also  in  Northamp- 
ton, there  appeared  in  individual  cases  a  resistance,  more 
or  less  strong,  to  a  progressive  development  of  the  awak- 
enings, manifesting  itself  partly  in  renewed  disquietude, 
partly  in  a  returning  indifference.  The  distress  occasioned 
by  this  new  interruption  of  a  steady  course  of  progress 
must  needs  be  more  severe  than  that  previously  felt,  in 
proportion  as  it  was  connected  with  the  remembrance  of 
what  had  been  already  experienced.  Here  now  Edwards 
believed  himself  called  on  to  assist  the  work  by  directing 
attention  to  what  had  been  already  attained.  "Where,  for 
instance,  the  declarations  and  the  whole  temper,  of  one 
thus  suffering  from  renewed  doubts,  justified  the  firm  con- 
viction of  his  converted  state,  Edwards  did  not  hesitate  to 
express  such  a  conviction.  He  compares  persons  in  this 
condition,  to  "seed  in  the  spring  suppressed  under  a  hard 
clod  of  earth  ;"  as  this  is  quickened  by  the  warm  beams  of 
the  sun,  so  has  the  hope  presented  to  the  doubting  chased 
away  that  despondency  which  enveloped  and  concealed  the 
inner  spiritual  life.  The  indifference,  which  manifested 
itself  here  and  there,  was  counteracted  by  turning  the  eye 
towards  those  who  were  hastening  onward  in  the  new 
state.  In  a  certain  condition  of  mind,  knowledge  of  the 
progress  of  others  in  the  kingdom  of  God,  may,  as  we  have 
already  seen,  awaken  a  spirit  of  wicked  envy,  and  lead  to 
sullen  obduracy ;  for  the  present  stage  reference  to  what 
had  been  attained  by  some,  was  held  by  Edwards,  certainly 
on  just  grounds,  to  be  an  efiicient  means  of  quickening 
others.    But  he  adds  the  cautious  remaik :  "  I  have  often 


262  NEW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY. 

signified  to  my  people  how  unable  man  is  to  know  an- 
other's heart,  and  how  unsafe  it  is  depending  on  the  judg- 
ment of  ministers  or  others ;  and  I  have  abundantly  in- 
sisted on  it  with  them,  that  a  manifestation  of  sincerity  in 
works  brought  forth,  is  better  than  any  manifestation  they 
can  make  of  it  in  words  alone,  and  that,  without  this,  all 
pretences  to  spiritual  experiences  are  vain." 

The  principal  means  for  counteracting  these  interrup- 
tions, as  well  as  of  forwarding  the  work  begun,  were  found 
in  the  study  of  the  Scriptures  and  the  truths  of  the  Gos- 
pel. At  this  point  we  will  add  some  remarks  of  our  nar- 
rator, before  proceeding  to  a  description  of  the  final  stage 
of  these  religious  awakenings.  As  did  the  commencement, 
so  the  progress  of  this  change  stood  in  a  connection  more 
or  less  explicit,  with  sentences  of  Scripture.  Comforting 
and  instructive  passages  presented  themselves  to  the  minds 
of  the  anxious,  often  in  a  manner  which  was  wholly  inex- 
plicable. For  the  most  part,  indeed,  it  was  while  led  by 
God  into  such  states  of  feeling  and  to  such  reflections  as 
were  in  harmony  with  the  texts  of  Scripture,  that  they 
came,  as  it  were  on  a  sudden,  to  their  remembrance.  But 
often,  as  Edwards  thinks,  an  immediate  influence  of  the 
Spirit  of  God  must  be  presupposed,  in  order  to  explain  the 
recollection  of  passages  so  remarkably  adapted  to  the 
special  case ;  though  the  use  of  the  memory  as  the  medium 
is,  indeed,  not  to  be  excluded. 

The  efiect  of  this  comfort  and  instruction  from  the  word 
of  God,  as  well  as  of  that  derived  from  preaching,  was  a 
living  conviction  of  the  truth  of  what  was  taught  in  the 
Gospel.  Here  too  was  manifested  a  difference  in  the  mode 
of  experience,  particularly  in  a  twofold  direction.  In  some, 
it  M-as  more  like  an  instantaneous  conviction,  seizing  posses- 
sion of  the  entire  man.     "  They  were, "  so  they  declared, 


NEW  ENGLAND   THEOCRACY.  263 

"  as  far  from  doubting  the  divinity  of  the  Gospel,  as  they 
were  from  doubting  whether  there  be  a  sun,  when  their  eyes 
are  open  in  the  midst  of  a  clear  hemisphere  and  the  strong 
blaze  of  his  light  overcomes  all  objections  against  his  be- 
ing." On  being  questioned,  they  were  able  to  assign  no 
other  reason  for  their  convictions  than  that  "  they  saw  them 
to  be  true ; "  but  from  more  particular  inquiry  it  became 
evident  that  these  truths  had  indeed  been  the  object  of  in- 
tuitive perception  and  immediate  experience.  They  were 
not  able  indeed  to  retain  such  a  clear  discovery  of  them  at 
all  times  in  equal  measure.  When,  for  a  season,  their  living 
spiritual  feeling  suffered  a  decrease,  the  medium  of  convic- 
tion seemed  to  them  to  have  withdrawn  itself;  but,  if  their 
assurance  had  been  genuine,  it  again  revived  "  like  fire  that 
lay  hid  in  ashes."  In  others,  on  the  contrary,  it  was  more 
through  attention  to  some  single  prominent  doctrines  of  the 
Scriptures,  whose  grounds  of  evidence  became  clear  to  them 
partly  from  the  teachings  of  the  pulpit,  partly  from  their 
own  meditations,  that  full  conviction  was  attained.  These 
were  indeed  already  known  to  them ;  but  they  now  came 
with  a  new  and  before  unexperienced  power.  "Before, 
they  had  heard  it  was  so,  and  they  allowed  it  to  be  so ;  but 
now  they  see  it  to  be  so  indeed.  Things  now  look  exceed- 
ing plain  to  them,  and  they  wonder  that  they  did  not  see 
them  before.  They  are  so  greatly  taken  with  their  new  dis- 
covery, and  things  appear  so  plain  and  rational  to  them, 
that  they  are  at  first  ready  to  think  they  can  convince  oth- 
ers, and  are  apt  to  engage  in  talk  with  almost  every  one 
they  meet,  to  this  end ;  and  when  they  are  disappointed, 
are  ready  to  wonder  that  their  reasonings  make  no  more 
impression."  But  these  persons  also,  who  had  attained  to 
conviction  by  a  more  gradual  process,  were  still  liable,  oft- 
entimes, to  be  again  disturbed  by  doubt.     Some  of  this 


264  NEW  ENGLAND   THEOCKACY. 

class  were  disquieted  in  respect  to  the  nature  of  the  work 
in  them,  on  account  of  its  having  taken  place  in  so  natural 
a  manner ;  erroneously  supposing  that  the  divine  purpose 
cannot  be  attained  by  a  method  which  seems  purely  human. 
It  is  worthy  of  notice  that  the  truths  which  had  been  so 
often  heard  and  read,  now  presented  themselves  to  the 
mind  as  something  entirely  new.  Some  found,  they  said, 
in  the  familiar  pages  of  the  Bible,  "new  chapters,  new 
psalms,  new  histories."  It  was  they  who  were  changed; 
within  themselves  all  had  become  new. 

In  the  state  of  calmness  which  succeeded  those  agonies 
and  terrors,  Christ  became  the  object  towards  which  the 
the  soul  was  turned,  and  the  inward  work  was  subjected, 
by  those  who  had  experienced  it,  to  the  strictest  scrutiny 
by  the  word  of  God.  This  alike  guarded  them  against  er- 
rors and  secured  their  progress  in  the  right  way.  Nor  was 
the  peace  now  withheld  which  the  Lord  promises  to  his  own. 
They  hardly  knew  how  to  paint  the  joy  which  had  taken 
up  its  abode  in  their  hearts.  They  described  themselves  as 
swallowed  up  in  longing  after  God  and  Christ,  as  ravished 
with  the  delightful  contemplation  of  the  glory  and  wonder- 
ful grace  of  God,  and  of  the  excellency  and  dying  love  of 
Jesus  Christ.  Even  younger  members  of  the  congregation 
expressed  themselves  in  the  same  manner,  and  declared 
their  willingness  to  forsake  father  and  mother  and  all  things 
in  the  world,  in  order  to  be  with  Christ.  In  some,  the 
bodily  strength  could  hardly  sustain  the  inward  experience ; 
nay,  it  seemed  as  if  the  body  must  dissolve,  if  that  fulness 
of  manifestation  should  be  any  more  increased. 

Certainly,  one  would  not  venture  to  measure  the  lan- 
guage of  christian  exaltation  in  such  circumstances,  by  the 
standard  of  expression  belonging  to  a  quiet  and  ordinary 
tone  of  feeling ;  it  is  by  other  signs  that  the  product  of 


NEW   ENGLAND  THEOCRACY.  2G5 

GocVs  spirit  is  to  be  distinguished  from  self-seeking  fimati- 
cism.  P'ree  from  the  airs  of  assumption,  self-deception,  and 
self-conceit,  these  persons  were  characterized  by  a  spirit  of 
meekness,  and  unassuming  humility,  mingled  with  distrust 
of  their  own  power,  and  a  lowly  estimate  of  their  own 
capacities.  None  were  so  deeply  convinced  of  their  need 
of  being  taught,  none  so  ready  and  eager  to  receive  in- 
struction. Free  from  self-exaltation  in  respect  to  men, 
they  bowed  with  continual  and  unfeigned  humility  before 
Go'.l,  ascribing  that  which  w^as  done  in  them  in  no  way  to 
their  own  strength  and  righteousness,  but  solely  to  the 
quickening  power  derived  from  Christ.  They  declared, 
also,  that  what  they  sometimes  experienced  in  especially 
favored  moments,  it  was  beyond  their  power  to  express  in 
words ;  that  all  the  pains  and  trouble  they  had  taken  in 
seeking  salvation  was  not  to  be  once  compared  with  their 
present  joy  and  satisfaction ;  and  that  in  contrast  \vith 
these  all  earthly  pleasures  seem  mean  and  worthless.  Yet 
they  did  not  feel  themselves  disturbed  or  troubled  by  a 
look  towards  eaith ;  on  the  contrary,  all  around  them  re- 
ceived a  new  charm  through  their  inward  joy.  "All 
things  abroad,  the  sun,  moon  and  stars,  the  clouds  and  sky, 
the  heavens  and  earth,  appeared,  as  it  were,  with  a  cast  of 
divine  glory  and  sweetness  upon  them."  And  as  the  con- 
templation of  outward  nature  harmonized  with  and  ex- 
alted their  affections,  even  so  was  it  with  the  thought 
of  redemption.  Here,  the  former  conflict  in  their  souls, 
if  it  had  not  terminated,  had  as  it  were  receded  into  the 
background.  The  chief  object  of  their  joy  was  not  so 
much  the  consciousness  of  being  saved  from  sin  arid  pun- 
ishment, as  that  of  being  partakers  of  divine  grace,  confi- 
dence in  Christ  as  their  guide  to  future  glory.  There 
seemed  to  be  in  their  hearts  but  one  complaint ;  the  com- 

23 


266  NEW   ENGLAND   THEOCRACY. 

plaint  that  with  all  their  desire,  all  their  longing  to  praise 
God,  they  could  not  do  it  worthily,  even  wher^,  in  contem- 
plation of  the  creation  around  them  and  the  redemption 
within  them,  they  were  filled  with  peace  and  joy  and  per- 
fect satisfaction. 

Besides  these  eifects,  which,  being  more  or  less  wrought 
within,  hardly  reveal  themselves  in  their  peculiar  and  en- 
tire significance  to  the  eye  of  the  beholder,  there  were  not 
wanting  visible  good  fruits  brought  forth  by  the  good  tree. 
Mutual  affection  united  those  who  had  become  sharers  in 
such  glorious  manifestations,  and  many  expressed  the  love 
they  felt  towards  all  mankind,  even  toAvards  those  who 
had  hitherto  been  least  friendly  to  themselves.  "N"ever 
was  so  much .  done  in  confessing  injuries  and  making  up 
difierences,  as  in  this  year."  This  love  was  mingled  also 
with  a  heartfelt  desire  for  the  salvation  of  others.  But 
with  a  living  activity  for  this  end,  on  the  part  of  those  so 
highly  favored,  they  yet  recognized  the  distinction  between 
that  which  was  essential  and  common  to  all,  salvation  in 
Christ,  and  that  which  was  special  and  varied,  the  way 
thither  and  the  outward  expression.  Keeping  their  hearts 
open,  moreover,  to  the  truth  that  the  leadings  of  God  in 
this  respect  are  manifold,  they  were  not  disposed  to  make 
their  own  experiences  a  standard  for  others,  but  refrained 
from  censoriousness  and  strove  to  increase  in  charity,  as  in 
the  manifestation  of  faith.  At  the  same  time,  there  grew 
up  also  a  very  endearing  relation  between  the  church  and 
its  pastor ;  diligent  attendance  at  the  house  of  God,  living 
sympathy  for  the  preaching  of  the  gospel,  and  strict  obser- 
vance of  the  Sabbath  were  united  with  eager  study  of  the 
Bible,  particularly  of  the  New  Testament,  the  Psalms,  and 
the  Prophecy  of  Isaiah.     And  this  use  of  the  means  of 


NEW  ENGLAND   THEOCRACY.  267 

grncc,  this  occupation  in  religious  things,  seemed  not  like  a 
duty  and  a  task,  but  a  satisfaction  and  a  joy. 

VTc  l»avc  yet  to  add,  in  respect  to  tlie  outward  spread 
and  extension  of  these  phenomena,  that  tlie  influence  was 
sliared  by  the  immediate  vicinity  at  an  early  period.  The 
accounts  of  what  was  occurring  in  Northampton  drew 
thither  many  strangers,  and  in  such  cases,  as  well  as  in 
that  of  accidental  visitors,  the  feeling  of  astonishment 
often  ended  in  personal  participation.  These  persons, 
returning  to  their  own  congregations,  awakened  there  the 
same  excitement,  though  perhaps  in  a  low^er  degree.  But, 
as  a  general  thing,  its  spread  was  limited  to  the  immediate 
neighborhood  of  Northampton,  or  at  farthest,  to  the  county 
of  Hampshire.  Nor  does  there  seem  to  have  been  any 
very  close  connection  among  these  movements,  except  that 
the  report  of  similar  occun*ences  in  other  places  heightened 
and  promoted  the  progress  of  the  work  in  Northampton 
itself.  Here  the  change  extended  itself  to  all  ranks,  condi- 
tions and  ages ;  while  not  only  those  who  had  passed  the 
tenn  of  middle  life,  but  even  little  (children  gave  the  most 
striking  proofs  of  a  vitalizing  religious  influence.  A  large 
part  of  the  inhabitants  of  Northampton  had  never  become 
members  of  the  church  in  full  fellow^ship.  Edwards  reports, 
that  before  one  celebration  of  the  sacrament  ^  about  one 
hundred  were  admitted,  eighty  of  them  at  one  time,  on  the 
open,  explicit  profession  of  Christianity.  From  subsequent 
events  it  indeed  appears,  that  it  was  not  a  profession  in 
the  strict  sense  of  the  covenant  of  the  first  Congregation- 
alists,  although,  certainly,  Edwards  wa.s  already  unfavora- 
ble to  the  peculiar  views  of  his  grandfather. 

After  quiet  mature  reflection  and  careful  severe  discrim- 
ination, it  was  Edwards's  opinion  that  the  number  of  those 

1  It  was  celebrated  in  this  church  once  in  eight  weeks. 


268  NEW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY. 

who  had  been  savingly  converted  through  the  influence  of 
this  awakening  was  not  far  from  three  hundred.  The 
number  of  communicants  embraced  nearly  the  entire  body 
of  adults,  being  six  hundred  and  twenty  j^ersons,  out  of 
two  hundred  families. 

Before  proceeding  to  a  representation  of  the  decline  of 
this  religious  interest,  and  the  transition  to  a  state  of  quiet, 
Edwards  communicates,  in  the  third  and  fourth  divisions 
of  his  letter,  some  apologetic  observations  together  with  a 
narrative  of  two  indi^ddual  cases.  The  relations  given  by 
some  church-members,  of  what  they  had  seen  in  moments 
of  exaltation,  seemed  to  furnish  gi'ound  for  the  oft-repeated 
imputation  of  enthusiasm.  Edwards  says :  "  There  have 
indeed  been  some  few  instances  of  impressions  on  persons' 
imaginations,  that  have  been  something  mysterious  to  me, 
and  I  have  been  at  a  loss  about  them ;  for  though  it  has 
been  exceeding  evident  to  me,  by  many  things  that  ai>- 
peared  in  them,  both  then  (when  they  related  them)  and 
afterwards,  that  they  had  indeed  a  great  sense  of  the  spir- 
itual excellency  of  divine  things  accompanying  them ;  yet 
I  have  not  been  able  well  to  satisfy  myself,  whether  their 
imaginary  ideas  have  been  more  than  could  naturally  arise 
from  their  spiritual  sense  of  things.  However,  I  have  used 
the  utmost  caution  in  such  cases;  great  care  has  been 
taken  both  in  public  and  in  private,  to  teach  persons  the 
difference  between  what  is  spiritual  and  what  is  merely 
imaginary.  I  have  often  warned  persons  not  to  lay  the 
stress  of  their  hope  on  any  ideas  of  any  outward  glory,  or 
any  external  thing  whatsoever;  and  havie  met  with  no 
opposition  in  such  instructions."  It  happened  that  some 
persons  associated  what  was  passing  with  such  living  real- 
ity in  their  minds,  with  corresponding  images ;  as  for  ex- 
ample, with  the  inward  sense  of  what  they  had  attained 


NEW  ENGLAND  TUEOCRACY.  2C9 

through  Christy  they  received  the  impression  of  an  imago 
of  the  crucified  Saviour.  But  this,  as  Edwards  justly 
remarks,  is  no  cause  of  wonder  to  those  wlio  liavc  observed 
liow  strong  excitement,  in  regard  even  to  tenii)oral  matters, 
will  excite  lively  ideas  and  manifold  pictures  in  the  mind. 
In  regard  to  a  second  objection,  that  these  religious  exj)c- 
riences  formed  so  exclusively  the  subject  of  convereation 
in  Northampton  at  this  time,  nothing  more  is  to  be  said 
than  that  it  lay  in  the  very  nature  of  the  circumstances. 
An  excitement  like  this,  interesting  at  the  same  time  all 
the  inhabitants  of  a  place  alike,  would  make  itself  the  sub- 
ject of  discourse  when  they  met.  It  is  indeed  not  to  be 
expected  that  the  communications  will  in  all  cases  be  made 
in  an  equally  discreet  manner,  or  will  always  produce  good 
results ;  but  in  general,  Edwards  saw  the  most  beneficial 
results  from  these  narrations  of  personal  experience. 

There  is  something  peculiar  in  the  choice  of  examples 
given  in  the  fourth  chapter;  it  seems  to  have  been  guided 
by  the  desire,  certainly  a  commendable  one,  that  the  j)ub- 
lished  account  of  what  had  been  experienced  in  an  indi- 
vidual case  should  not,  by  any  chance,  fall  into  the  hands 
of  the  person  himself.  A  young  woman,  Abigail  Hutchin- 
son by  name,  having  had  her  attention  awakened  by  the 
first  of  the  deaths  before-mentioned,  was  exceedingly  dis- 
turbed in  mind ;  but  after  a  violent  inward  conflict  soon 
attained  to  the  consciousness  of  inward  peace.  During  an 
agonizing  sickness,  she  manifested  a  spirit  of  entire  submis- 
sion. A  few  months  after  this  change,  she  died  of  actual 
starvation,  her  neck  being  so  swollen  that  she  could  take 
no  nourishment ;  yet  as  long  as  she  could  speak,  she  ex- 
pressed by  words  her  joj-ful  state  of  mind,  and  by  signs 
and  gestures  manifested  the  same  through  her  long  pro- 
tracted death-struggles  to  the  very  end.    The  second  ex- 

23* 


270  NEW   ENGLAND   THEOCRACY. 

ample  was  designed  to  exhibit  the  participation  of  chil- 
dren, even  of  the  tenderest  age,  in  the  general  religious 
interest.  Edwards  presents  the  case  of  a  child  of  four 
years,  concerning  which  the  London  editor  justly  remarks, 
that  the  language  of  children  loses  its  peculiar  charm  for 
one  who  does  not  himself  see  and  hear.  In  this  case,  even 
the  language  seems  to  have  undergone  a  certain  change 
and  remoulding,  so  that  her  thoughts  on  the  salvation  of 
the  soul,  and  the  feeling  of  anxiety  for  others,  in  this  re- 
spect seem  rather  like  expressions  belonging  to  a  mature 
age.  It  cannot  be  denied  that  the  very  earliest  age  is  sus- 
ceptible of  a  religious  influence,  and  that  this  may  also  be 
communicated,  as  it  were  involuntarily,  from  the  childish 
stand-point.  But  favorable  as  a  time  like  that  under  con- 
sideration might  be  to  such  a  development,  it  is  precisely 
at  such  a  time  that  it  is  most  difiicult,  if  not  impossible,  to 
distinguish  what  has  really  been  wrought  in  the  soul  from 
the  effect  of  mere  outward  imitation. 

To  that  time  of  spiritual  excitement  succeeded  of  neces- 
sity a  period  of  greater  calm,  which,  on  the  whole,  was 
-not  without  tokens  of  the  richest  fruit.  Nevertheless,  a 
growing  coldness  made  itself  apparent,  in  part  under  the 
form  of  opposition  to  the  phenomena  here  described.  The 
exciting  cause  is  worthy  of  notice,  being  attributable  to 
that  tendency  to  melancholy  humor,  or  morbid  self-inspec- 
tion before  adverted  to.  The  solicitude  to  penetrate  into 
the  depths  of  one's  own  spirit  does  indeed  impress  on  the 
individual  the  conviction  of  his  own  state,  and  break  down 
the  proud  heart;  but  it  obstructs  his  access  to  the  only 
true  help,  and  furnishes  a  nourishment  to  the  dejected 
heart  which  leads  to  despair.  In  the  midst  of  the  time  of 
most  vivid  religious  interest,  a  person  under  overwhelming 
distress  of  mind  made  the  attempt  to  commit  suicide.     It 


NEW  ENGLAJO)  ^^HEOCRACY.  271 

was  without  effect,  and  ho  afterwards  sincerely  repented 
for  having  yielded  so  far  to  the  temptations  of  his  own 
heart.  But  about  a  year  after  the  firet  tokens  of  the  awak- 
ening made  their  appearance,  another  pei*son  succeeded  in 
the  terrible  design.  He  was  a  man  of  more  than  ordinary 
intellectual  gifts,  strictly  moral  in  his  couree  of  life,  out- 
wardly religious,  skilful  in  business,  and  very  highly  re- 
spected in  the  town ;  but  partaking  of  a  strong  fiimily  ten- 
dency to  melancholy,  by  which  his  mother  also  had  lost 
her  life.  During  the  whole  year  he  had  been  earnestly 
concerned  about  the  state  of  his  soul,  and  although  there 
was  in  his  experience  much  of  a  hopeful  and  cheering 
character,  he  did  not  venture  to  entertain  any  such  hope 
for  himself  He  consequently  grew  disheartened,  and  his 
melancholy  gained  such  power  over  him  that  ho  becamo 
incapable  of  receiving  counsel  or  listening  to  reason. 
Whole  nights  he  remained  awake  meditating  terrors,  so 
that  he  scarcely  slept  at  all  for  a  long  time  together.  At 
length  it  was  noticed  that  he  was  scarcely  capable  of  man- 
aging his  ordinary  business ;  and  at  the  coroner's  inquest, 
he  was  judged  to  have  been  in  a  state  of  delirium.  After 
this  occurrence,  many  complained  of  being  affected  with 
similar  temptations.  Just  at  this  time  certain  fmatics 
made  their  appearance,  who  busied  themselves,  in  part,  with 
persuading  persons  in  that  melancholy  and  anxious  condi- 
tion that  they  could  be  helped  by  repeating  over  certain 
consolatory  forms  of  prayer ;  in  part,  with  preaching  that 
the  last  times  promised  in  the  Scriptures  had  now  come. 
One  man  who  had  made  himself  especially  conspicuous  in 
this  way,  afterwards  confessed  the  error  into  which  he  had 
fallen,  and  lamented  the  injury  done  thereby;  but  the 
legitimate  consequences  of  egotistic  fanaticism  followed,  in 
a  growing  spirit  of  worldliness  and  coldness.     To  this  was 


272  NEW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY. 

superadded  the  dissipating  influence  of  various  matters, 
which  just  at  that  time  occupied  in  a  special  manner  the 
attention  of  the  people  of  Northampton ;  among  others,  a 
visit  from  the  governor  of  the  colony,  the  public  meetings 
held  in  reference  to  the  treaty  of  peace  with  the  Indians, 
and  the  controversy  in  a  neighboring  town  respecting  the 
choice  of  a  minister.  Still,  however,  the  blessed  influence 
of  these  manifestations  had  not  disappeared ;  as  it  still 
lived  for  individuals,  so  also  did  it  reveal  itself  in  the  sus- 
ceptibility of  the  neighboring  region  and  of  all  New  Eng- 
land for  a  similar  quickening. 

THE   GREAT    REVIVAL. 

Although  the  revival  of  the  year  1735  extended  only  to 
the  immediate  vicinity  of  Northampton,  and  again  de- 
clined in  the  town  itself,  it  had  awakened  the  utmost  at- 
tention through  all  New  England,  as  already  seen  in  the 
interest  which  it  excited  in  London  and  in  the  notices  of 
it  by  Watts  and  Guyse.  It  recalled  the  times  of  the  first 
settlement  of  the  colonies ;  the  degeneracy  of  the  present 
state  was  clearly  seen  and  deeply  felt.  This  manifested 
itself  most  conspicuously  in  Boston,  the  scene  of  labor  to 
so  many  remarkable  men.  In  the  year  1739,  George 
Whitefield,  the  celebrated  founder  of  Methodism,  made 
his  second  visit  to  America.  The  colony  of  Georgia,  which 
had  been  settled  a  few  years  before,  principally  engaged 
his  energies ;  but  his  powerful  and  eflTective  preaching  was 
heard  also  on  his  travels  through  Carolina,  Virginia,  Mary- 
land, Philadelphia  and  New  York.  The  report  of  his  dis- 
tinguished gifts  and  wonderful  success,  procured  him  an 
invitation  to  Boston.  On  the  14th  of  September  1740,  he 
landed  at  Newport  in  Rhode  Island,  where  he  remained 


NEW  ENGLAND   TIIOCRACY.  278 

tliroe  days.  The  invitation  had  not  proceeded  merely  from 
1  >rivate  citizens ;  as  he  approached  Boston,  he  was  received 
by  the  son  of  tlic  Governor,  with  several  clergymen  and 
many  of  the  principal  inhabitants,  who  conducted  him  to 
a  dwelling  expressly  prepared  for  liis  reception.  During 
Iiis  two  months  stay,  he  not  only  preached  in  Boston,  but 
travelled  through  New  England,  and  made  a  visit  to  Ed- 
wards. He  then  returned  to  Boston,  and  directed  his 
coui*se  through  Hartford  and  New  Haven  to  the  more 
southern  colonies.  The  result  of  this  visit  surpassed  all  ex- 
pectation. The  same  spirit  which  had  been  witnessed  in 
Northampton  spread  through  the  whole  country,  and  its 
manifestations  were  characterized  no  less  by  the  active 
zeal  of  the  ministei*s  than  by  the  sympathy  of  the  churches. 
Voices  from  every  quarter  of  New  England  extolled  the 
new  work,  as  the  revival  of  the  pnmitive  religious  si)irit. 
Out  of  a  multitude  of  testimonials  to  the  eloquence  of 
Whitefield,  and  to  his  zeal  in  the  cause  of  the  Lord,  we  se- 
lect the  following  words  from  a  clergyman's  letter:  "Among 
the  good  efiects  of  his  preaching  on  the  churches,  it  is  es- 
])ecially  worthy  of  remark,  that  the  word  preached  by  us 
now  seems  more  precious  and  acts  with  greater  power." 
An  aged  preacher,  the  successor  of  John  Ehot,  exclaimed : 
"  The  old  days  of  New  England  are  revived ! "  White- 
field,  who  had  preached  his  farewell  discourse  in  Boston  to 
an  audience  of  twenty  thousand  pei-sons,  and  who  could 
not  but  wish  to  contribute  all  in  his  power  to  the  continu- 
imce  and  promotion  of  the  work,  on  his  return  to  New- 
Jersey  persuaded  Gilbert  Tennant,  a  distinguished  minister 
in  that  colony,  to  go  to  New  England.  He  was  received 
"with  joy,  and  the  blessing  which  attended  his  preaching  in 
the  year  1741  was  generally  acknowledged. 

Tliis  labor  of  itinerant  preachers  was  evidently  some- 


274  NE^T   ENGLAND   THEOCRACT. 

thing  out  of  tlie  orclinaiy  course,  but  seems  justified  by  the 
manifest  coldness  and  indifference  of  many  ministers  at 
tliat  time,  and  by  the  general  recognition  of  the  call  to 
such  a  work.  Esj^ecially  was  this  true  of  Whitefield ;  of 
whom  also  it  is  recorded,  that  his  aim  in  j^reaching  was  not 
a  display  of  his  personal  gifts  of  eloquence,  but  simply  and 
above  all  things,  to  show  forth  the  truth  of  the  gosj^el  itself 
It  was  on  this  that  thoughtful  men  grounded  their  hope  of 
a  safe  and  permanent  impression.  In  consequence  of  the 
continued  religious  interest,  and  of  the  destitution  made 
known  in  various  directions,  perhaj)s  encouraged  also  by 
Whitefield's  appeal  to  Tennant  and  the  successful  labors 
of  the  latter,  many  clergymen  now  thought  they  found  in 
the  revival  of  their  own  religious  feelings  the  proper  call 
and  the  complete  qualification  for  traversing  New  England 
as  evangelists.  Although  successful  in  awakening  a  living 
interest  in  single  localities,  although  it  was  in  the  exercise 
of  true  zeal  in  the  cause  of  God,  free  from  spiritual  pride, 
that  they  felt  themselves  impelled  to  this  course ;  yet  in 
the  misconception  of  their  position  lay  from  the  first  an 
occasion  for  the  abuses  and  disorders  which  followed,  as 
well  as  for  the  development  of  an  opposing  party.  Many, 
for  instance,  took  it  upon  themselves  to  preach  among  the 
churches  without  waiting  for  any  outward  call,  and  thus 
the  most  favorable  result  might  be  nothing  more  than  per- 
sonal attachment  to  themselves.  But  these  revivals  among 
the  Congregationalists  of  New  England,  which  are  to  be 
contemplated  as  religious  movements  on  ground  already 
occupied  by  vital  Christianity,  must  strengthen  to  the 
utmost  the  relation  of  pastor  and  people,  if  they  would 
remain  ti-ue  to  their  peculiar  character,  and  be  attended  by 
enduring  results.  The  experimental  knowledge  of  Christ 
by  faith  is  indeed  a  call  to  preach  the  gospel;  but  the 


NEW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY.  275 

\-ainple  of  another  instrument  of  the  Lord,  difTcrcntly 
gifted  and  differently  called  from  ourselves,  is  not  a  reason 
for  forsaking  our  ai)propriate  and  appointed  si)hcrc. 

DISTURBINO  AND  HOSTILE  INFLUENCES. 

The  appearance  of  itinerant  preachers  was  indeed  hailed 
in  many  i)laces  with  great  joy,  and  was  regarded  as  a  token 
of  God's  special  favor  to  these  awakenings.  Opposition  to 
it  Iflhst  manifested  itself  in  Connecticut,  where  a  rigid  or- 
ganization and  method  had  obtained  since  the  adoption  of 
tlie  Saybrook  Platform.  So  early  as  November  1741,  a 
general  consociation,  assembled  at  Guilford,  declared  it 
disorderly  for  any  minister  to  enter  the  parish  of  another, 
for  the  purpose  of  preaching  and  administering  the  sacra- 
ments, without  or  against  the  consent  of  the  latter.  In 
the  year  1742,  specific  regulations  in  regard  to  this  matter 
Mere  drafted  and  laid  before  the  Legislature,  by  whom 
they  were  made  legal  enactments.  According  to  these, 
any  preacher  who  should  enter  uninvited  a  parish  not 
under  his  charge,  or  should  take  part  in  an  association 
wliich  intrudes  on  the  limits  of  another  by  the  licensing  or 
rdination  of  a  candidate,  shall  be  excluded  from  the  ben- 
lit  of  any  laws  made  for  the  support  of  the  ministry.  And 
every  layman,  under  like  circumstances,  should  pay  a  fine 
uf  one  hundred  pounds  and  give  security  for  his  good  be- 
havior. And  any  foreigner,  whether  minister  or  not, 
should  be  dealt  with  as  a  vagrant,  and  be  sent  from  con- 
stable to  constable,  oiit  of  the  bounds  of  the  colony.*  At 
the  ground  of  these  proceedings  there  was,  unfortunately 
for  the  interests  of  this  work,  not  merely  a  prejudice  against 

1  Under  this  law,  no  less  a  person  than  Samuel  Fluley,  aftcrwanls  Pres- 
ident of  Princeton  College,  was  arrested  and  curried  out  of  the  colony  as 

a  vagrant,  —  Ta. 


276  NEW   ENGLAND   TlIEOCllACY. 

the  special  phase,  but  a  decided  avei-sion  to  everything 
wliich  might  disturb  the  quiet  course  of  established  forms. 
If  in  Massachusetts  the  religious  decline  manifested  itself 
more  as  indifference,  in  Connecticut  it  was  rather  the  rig- 
idity of  torpor.  The  opposition,  proceeding  from  this  quar- 
ter, which  refused  to  recognize  what  was  true  and  vital  in 
these  manifestations,  produced  its  natural  result,  excess  on 
the  other  side.  Many  ministers  felt  themselves  justified, 
by  the  extraordinary  interest  in  hearing  the  word  which 
still  continued  among  the  people,  to  abandon  their  churclies 
in  order  to  preach  in  various  places;  and  the  same  was 
done  by  many  laymen.  The  prospect  of  becoming  martyrs 
to  the  cause  seems  not  to  have  been  without  its  charm  in 
these  cases.  Among  those  who  espoused  this  side,  James 
Davenport,  a  highly  gifted  minister,  a  grandson  of  the  cel- 
ebrated John  Davenport,  took  the  most  decided  ground 
and  exerted  the  most  j^ernicious  influence.  Leaving  his 
church  on  Long  Island,  he  repaired  to  Connecticut,  where 
he  felt  it  his  special  duty  to  bear  testimony  against  uncon- 
verted ministers.  After  experiencing  some  j^ersecutions 
here,  he  came  to  Boston ;  but  his  jireaching  and  expres- 
sions were  of  such  a  character  that  most  of  the  ministei^ 
united,  July  1st  1742,  in  signing  the  following  declaration  : 
"  He  appears  to  us  to  be  truly  pious,  and  we  hope  God  has 
used  him  as  an  instrument  of  good  to  many  souls ;  yet  we 
judge  it  our  duty  to  bear  testimony  against  the  following 
particulars.  1.  His  being  acted  much  by  sudden  impulses. 
2.  His  judging  some  ministers  in  Long  Island  and  New 
England  to  be  unconverted ;  and  thinking  himself  called 
of  God  to  demand  of  his  brethren,  from  place  to  place,  an 
account  of  then*  regenerate  state,  when,  or  in  what  manner 
the  Holy  Spirit  wrought  upon  and  renewed  them.  3.  His 
going  with  his  friends,  singing  through  the  streets   and 


NEW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY.  277 

highways,  to  and  from  the  houses  of  worship,  on  Lord's 
days  and  other  days.  4.  Ilis  encouraging  private  brethren 
to  pray  and  exhort  in  assemblies  gathered  for  that  purpose. 
"We  judge  it  therefore  our  present  duty  not  to  invite  him 
into  our  places  of  worship,  as  otherwise  we  might  readily 
have  done."  This,  however,  did  not  hinder  Davenport, 
while  in  Boston,  from  undertaking  to  examine  each  of  the 
ministers  in  private  and  then  report  publicly  against  them, 
denouncing  some  as  unconverted  and  calling  on  the  people 
to  separate  from  them.  In  this  manner  he  traversed  the 
country;  but,  on  his  return  to  Boston  in  August  1742,  he 
was  imprisoned  and  brought  to  court  for  trial  on  a  charge 
of  slandering  the  ministers.  The  jury,  however,  judged 
him  to  be  7ion  compos  metitis,  and  on  that  ground  acquitted 
him.  Thence  he  returned  to  Long  Island,  but  again  came 
to  New  London  in  Connecticut,  where,  in  connection  with 
some  others,  he  ran  into  extremes^  still  more  surprising. 
Through  these  proceedings,  esi)ecially  through  the  preach- 
ing of  laymen  wholly  uncalled  to  the  work,  great  scandal 
came  upon  the  cause.  The  ministers  of  Massachusetts,  who 
had  experienced  in  their  congregations  the  manifold  bless- 
ings of  the  time,  recorded  their  testimony  against  these 
en-ors  at  their  annual  meeting  on  the  25th  of  May  1743. 
But  in  order  to  give  more  effect  to  their  action,  all  the 
brethren  who  were  fevorably  inclined  to  the  work  itself 
were  requested  either  to  appear  personally  at  a  meeting  to 
be  held  in  July,  there  to  express  their  minds  on  the  subject, 
or  to  send  in  their  thoughts  in  writing.     Sixty-eight  minis- 

1  Having  first  burnt  a  considerable  number  of  books  which  they  consid- 
ered erroneous,  they  were  about  to  destroy  a  quantity  of  fine  clothing  and 
ornaments,  under  the  pretence  of  putting  an  end  to  idolatry;  but  this 
was  stopped  by  a  man  who  remarked  to  Davenport:  "  If  all  my  idols  are 
to  be  burnt,  you  will  be  the  first." 

24 


278  NEW  ENGLAND   THEOCRACY. 

ters  met  and  signed  a  letter  testifying,  as  a  matter  of  their 
own  knowledge,  that  an  incredible  number  of  persons  had 
been  awakened,  after  a  true  acquaintance  with  their  state  as 
sinners,  to  a  new  life  through  faith  in  Christ ;  and  they  ex- 
pressed their  decided  disaiDproval  of  the  charge  made  by 
some,  that  all  these  phenomena  were  nothing  but  enthusi- 
asm, delusion,  and  disorder.  At  the  same  time,  they 
lamented  the  tares  which  had  been  sown  among  the  wheat ; 
specifying  as  such  the  tendency,  manifested  here  and  there, 
to  make  inward  impressions  the  criterion  of  conduct  with- 
out due  regard  to  the  written  word,  but  more  especially  the 
invasion  of  the  regular  ministerial  office,  and  the  distrust 
awakened  between  ministers  and  people.  Similar  declara- 
tions were  sent  in  by  forty-three  other  preachers.  But  this 
expression,  though  so  generally  approved,  and  discriminat- 
ing so  clearly  between  the  nature  of  the  thing  and  its 
abuses,  was  not  followed  by  the  expected  results.  Decided 
opposers  took  the  field,  and  the  revivals  themselves  began 
to  decline.  Edwards  had  shortly  before  published  his  cele- 
brated "  Thoughts  on  Revivals."  To  counteract  this  work, 
the  Rev.  Dr.  Chauncey,  who  was  generally  regarded  as  the 
chief  promoter  of  the  Arminian  and  Unitarian  tendency, 
now  made  a  journey  through  the  colonies  of  New  England, 
New  York,  and  New  Jersey,  collecting  materials  for  a  vir- 
ulent reply  to  Edwards,  which  he  published  in  1743.  It 
found  special  favor  with  the  higher  classes.  It  seems  also  not 
to  have  been  without  influence  on  the  proceedings  in  Con- 
necticut, where  the  above-mentioned  acts  w^ere  now  act- 
ually put  in  j)ractice,  in  the  persecution  of  those  who  were 
striving  to  rekindle  the  spirit  which  was  already  on  the 
wane.  On  the  one  side,  the  adventitious  element  had 
gained  too  Avide  a  hold ;  while  on  the  other,  in  the  assault 
thus  made  on  the  fundamental  doctrines  of  Scripture,  indif- 


NEW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY.  279 

ference  found  the  opiate  and  the  cloak  for  which  it  asked. 
Davenjx)!!  came  to  a  just  sense  of  his  conduct,  and  having 
drawn  up  a  confession  of  liis  errors,  lamenting  what  he  had 
said  and  done,  sent  his  retraction  to  a  minister  in  Boston 
for  publication.  But  it  was  too  late  for  the  removal  of  the 
prejudices  which  had  been  imbibed.  Enemies  had  too  well 
used  the  opportunity  for  bringing  the  work  itself  into  sus- 
picion, to  allow  of  its  now  being  retrieved  by  its  friends. 
How  greatly  all  had  changed  is  most  clearly  seen  in  the 
cool,  nay,  to  some  extent,  the  hostile  reception  experienced 
by  Whitcfield  on  his  renewed  visit  in  the  year  1745.  Not 
only  was  he  assailed  by  individual  ministers  and  associa- 
tions ;  but  the  colleges  of  Cambridge  and  New  Haven,  the 
former  of  which  had  extolled  the  blessed  influence  of  his 
labors  at  his  first  coming,  now  entered  the  lists  against  him, 
with  special  animosity.  With  the  declining  fellowship  for 
the  revivals  vanished  also  the  revived  interest  in  religion. 
It  is  indeed  a  peculiar  indication  of  the  state  of  disunion 
which  followed,  that  when  Edwards,  some  years  after, 
declared  himself  decidedly  against  regarding  the  Lord's 
Supi^er  as  a  converting  ordinance,  he  encountered  such 
opposition  in  his  church  as  obliged  him  to  quit  the  place 
where  he  had  been  so  favored  an  instrument  of  the  Lord ; 
and  the  consociation  before  which  the  controversy  with  the 
church  was  tried,  declared  their  adhesion  to  Stoddard's 
view.  To  what  a  degree  political  interest  swallowed  up  all 
others  in  New  England  during  the  succeeding  period,  and 
the  desolating  ravages  of  unbelief  within  the  church  kept 
pace  with  those  of  the  war  without,  we  have  already  men- 
tioned. 


The  genuine  religious  element,  out  of  which  had  grown 
the  colonization  and  primitive  constitution  of  New  England, 


280  NEW  ENGLAND   THEOCRACY. 

has  again  presented  itself  to  view,  in  recent  times.  The 
l^rofessed  disciples  of  the  Lord  in  that  land,  now  look  back 
with  joy  upon  the  labors  and  the  influence  of  their  progeni- 
tors. The  most  recent  revival  of  the  religious  spirit  has 
been  connected  with  phenomena  similar  to  those  described 
in  this  chapter ;  but  they  have  not  been  confined  to  one 
church-party  merely,  and  on  that  very  account  vary  in  form 
and  significance  among  themselves.  For  exhibiting  them, 
a  characterization  of  the  evangelical  churches  of  North 
America  is  needed,  as  well  as  an  exposition  of  the  relation, 
now  fully  established,  of  a  total  separation  of  Church  and 
State.  Such  being  the  case,  they  belong  to  the  depart- 
ment of  ecclesiastical  statistics,  and  are  foreign  to  the  object, 
of  this  work,  whose  aim  it  was  to  exhibit  the  progressive 
development  of  the  New  England  church-constitution,  and 
the  phenomena  with  which  the  change  in  that  constitution 
was  accompanied. 


APPENDIXES. 


24* 


APPENDIX  I 


EOBINSOITS   LETTER  TO  THE  LEYDEN  EMIGRAKTS, 
JULY   27,  1620. 

Loving  Christian  Friends, 

I  do  heartily  and  in  the  Lprd  salute  you,  as  being  those  with 
whom  I  am  present  in  my  best  afTections,  and  most  earnest  longings 
after  you,  though  I  be  constrained  for  a  while  to  be  bodily  absent 
from  you:  I  say  constrained;  Grod  knowing  how  willingly,  and 
much  rather  than  otherwise,  I  would  have  borne  my  part  with  you 
in  the  first  brunt,  were  I  not  by  strong  necessity  held  back  for  the 
]ircsent  Make  account  of  me  in  the  meantime  as  a  man  divided  in 
myself,  with  great  pain  (and  as  natural  bonds  set  aside)  having  my 
better  part  with  you ;  and  although  I  doubt  not,  but  in  your  godly 
wisdoms  you  both  foresee  and  resolve  upon  that  which  concerneth 
your  present  state  and  condition,  both  severally  and  jointly,  yet 
have  I  thought  it  but  my  duty  to  add  some  further  spur  of  provoca- 
tion unto  them  who  run  already,  if  not  because  you  need  it,  yet 
because  I  owe  it  in  love  and  duty. 

And  first,  as  we  are  daily  to  renew  our  repentance  with  our  God, 
especially  for  our  sins  known,  and  generally  for  our  unknown  tres- 
piisses ;  so  doth  the  Lord  call  us  in  a  singular  manner,  upon  occasions 
of  such  difficulty  and  danger  as  lieth  upon  you,  to  both  a  narrow  search 
and  careful  reformation  in  his  sight,  lest  he  calling  to  remembrance 
our  sins  forgotten  by  us,  or  unrepented  of,  take  advantage  against 
us,  and  in  judgment  leave  us  to  be  swallowed  up  in  one  danger  or 
another ;  whereas,  on  the  contrary,  sin  being  taken  away  by  earnest 
repentance,  and  the  pardon  thereof  from  the  Lord  sealed  up  to  a 
man's  conscience  by  his  spirit,  great  shall  be  his  security  and  peace 
in  all  dangers,  sweet  his  comforts  in  all  distresses,  with  happy  deliv- 


284  NEW  ENGLAND  THEOCKACY. 

erance  from  all  evil,  whether  in  life  or  death.  Now  next  after  this 
heavenly  peace  with  God  and  our  own  consciences,  we  are  carefulh' 
to  provide  for  peace  with  all  men,  what  in  us  lieth,  especially  with 
our  associates ;  and  for  that,  watchfulness  must  be  had,  that  we  nei- 
ther at  all  ourselves  do  give,  no,  nor  easily  take  offence  being  given 
by  others.  Wo  be  to  tlie  world  for  offences^  for  although  it  be  neces- 
sary, considering  the  malice  of  Satan  and  man's  corruption,  tliat  of- 
fences come,  yet  wo  unto  the  man,  or  woman  either,  by  luhom  the 
offence  cometh,  saith  Christ,  Matt,  xviii.  7.  And  if  offences  in  the 
unseasonable  use  of  things,  in  themselves  indifferent,  be  more  to  be 
feared  than  death  itself,  as  the  apostle  teacheth,  1  Cor.  ix.  15,  how 
much  more  in  things  simply  evil,  in  which  neither  the  honor  of  God 
nor  love  of  man  is  thought  worthy  to  be  regarded  ?  Neither  yet  is 
it  sufficient  that  we  keep  ourselves,  by  the  grace  of  God,  from  giving 
offences,  except  withal  we  be  armed  against  the  taking  of  them, 
when  they  are  given  by  others ;  for  how  imperfect  and  lame  is  the 
work  of  grace  in  that  person,  who  wants  charity  to  cover  a  multitude 
of  offences  ?  as  the  scripture  speaks.  Neither  are  you  to  be  exhorted 
to  this  grace  only  upon  the  common  grounds  of  Christianity,  which 
are,  that  persons  ready  to  take  offence,  either  want  charity  to  cover 
offences,  or  duly  to  weigh  human  frailties;  or,  lastly,  are  gross 
though  close  hypocrites,  as  Christ  our  Lord  teacheth,  Matt.  vii.  1-3  ; 
as  indeed  in  my  own  experience,  few  or  none  have  been  found 
which  sooner  give  offence,  than  such  as  easily  take  it ;  neither  have 
they  ever  proved  sound  and  profitable  members '  in  societies,  who 
have  nourished  this  touchy  humor.  But  besides  these,  there  are 
divers  motives  provoking  you  above  others  to  great  care  and  con- 
science in  this  way ;  as  first,  there  are  many  of  you  strangers  to  the 
persons,  so  to  the  infirmities  of  one  another,  and  so  stand  in  need  of 
more  watchfulness  this  way,  lest  when  such  things  fall  out  in  men 
and  women  as  you  expected  not,  you  be  inordinately  affected  with 
them,  which  doth  require  at  your  hands  much  wisdom  and  charity 
for  the  covering  and  preventing  of  incident  offences  that  way.  And 
lastly,  your  intended  course  of  civil  community  will  minister  contin- 
ual occasion  of  offence,  and  will  be  as  fuel  for  that  fire,  except  you 
diligently  watch  it  with  brotherly  forbearance.     And  if  taking  offence 


NEW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY.  285 

uisclcssly  or  easily  of  men's  doings  bo  so  carefully  to  be  avoided; 

how  nmfh  more  lieed  is  to  hv  taken  that  we  take  not  ofTence  at  God 
himself?  Which  yet  we  certainly  do,  so  oil  as  we  do  murmur  at  his 
jirovidences  in  our  crosses,  or  bear  impatiently  such  afflictions  where- 
with he  is  pleased  to  visit  us.  Store  up  therefore  patience  against 
the  evil  day ;  without  which  we  take  offence  at  the  Lohl  himself  in 
his  just  works.  A  fourth  thing  there  is  carefully  to  be  provided  for, 
viz.,  that  with  your  common  employments,  you  join  common  affec- 
tions, truly  bent  upon  the  general  good,  avoiding  as  a  deadly  plague 
of  your  both  common  and  special  comforts,  all  retiredness  of  mind 
f>r  proper  advantage;  and  all  singularly  affected  every  manner  of 
ay,  let  every  man  repress  in  himself,  and  the  whole  body  in  each 
person,  as  so  many  rebels  against  the  common  good,  all  private  re- 
spects ofmerCs  selves,  not  sorting  with  the  general  convenience.  And 
as  men  are  careful  not  to  have  a  new  house  shaken  with  any  vio- 
lence, before  it  be  well  settled,  and  the  parts  firmly  knit ;  so  be  you, 
I  beseech  you,  my  brethren,  much  more  careful  that  the  house  of 
God,  which  you  are  and  are  to  be,  be  shaken  with  unnecessary  nov- 
elties, or  other  oppositions,  at  the  first  settling  thereof. 

Lastly,  whereas  you  are  to  become  a  body  i)olitic,  using  amongst 
yourselves  civil  government,  and  are  not  furnished  with  special  emi- 
nency  above  the  rest,  to  be  chosen  by  you  into  office  of  government, 
let  your  wisdom  and  godliness  appear,  not  only  in  choosing  such 
persons  as  do  entirely  love,  and  will  promote  the  common  good ;  but 
also  in  yielding  unto  them  all  due  honor  and  obedience  in  their  law- 
ful administrations,  not  beholding  in  them  the  ordinariness  of  their 
persons,  but  God's  ordinance  for  your  good;  not  being  like  the  fool- 
ish multitude,  who  more  honor  the  gay  coat,  than  either  the  virtuous 
mind  of  the  man,  or  the  glorious  onlinance  of  the  Lord ;  but  you 
know  better  things,  and  that  the  image  of  the  Lord's  power  and 
authority,  which  the  magistrate  beareth,  is  honorable,  in  how  mean 
person  soever ;  and  this  duty  you  may  the  more  willingly,  and  ought 
the  more  conscionably  to  perform,  because  you  are,  at  least  for  the 
present,  to  have  them  for  your  ordinary  governors,  which  yourselves 
shall  make  choice  of  for  that  work.  Sundry  other  things  of  impor- 
tance I  could  put  you  in  mind  of,  and  of  those  before-mentioned,  in 


286  NEW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY. 

more  words ;  but  I  will  not  so  far  wrong  your  godly  minds,  as  to 
think  you  heedless  of  these  things,  there  being  also  divers  among  you 
so  well  able  both  to  admonish  themselves  and  others  of  what  concern- 
eth  them.  These  few  things  therefore,  and  the  same  in  few  words,  I 
do  earnestly  commend  to  your  care  and  conscience,  joining  therein 
with  my  daily  incessant  prayers"  unto  the  Lord,  that  he  who  has 
made  the  heavens  and  the  earth,  and  sea,  and  all  rivers  of  waters, 
and  whose  providence  is  over  all  his  works,  especially  over  all  his 
dear  children  for  good,  would  so  guide  and  guard  you  in  your  ways, 
as  inwardly  by  his  spirit,  so  outwardly  by  the  hand  of  his  power,  as 
that  both  you,  and  we  also  for  and'with  you,  may  have  after  matter 
of  praising  his  name  all  the  days  of  your  and  our  lives.  Fare  you 
well  in  him  in  whom  you  trust,  and  in  whom  I  rest,  an  unfeigned 
well-wisher  to  your  happy  success  in  this  hopeful  voyage. 

JOHN   ROBINSON. 


APPENDIX  II 


THE  AUTHORITIES  USED  IN  THIS  WORK. 

As  already  mentioned,  (p.  118),  New  England  found  historians  at 
a  very  early  period.  Cotton  Mather  has  treated  this  subject  most  at 
length,  and  with  careful  use  of  hb  predecessors. 

Magnalia  CiiRiSTi  Americana,  or  the  Ecclesiastical  History 
of  Xew  England,  from  its  first  planting  in  the  year  1620  unto  the 
}ear  of  our  Lord  1698,  by  Cotton  Mather,  Past  of  the  North  Church 
in  Boston.  London  1702.  Fol.  (republished  at  Hartford  1820.  2 
vols.    8vo.) 

The  author,  whose  family  on  the  paternal  side  has  often  been 
mentioned  in  the  foregoing  work,  was  a  descendant  of  the  Pilgrims 
on  the  mother's  side  also ;  being  the  great  grandson  of  John  Cotton, 
minister  at  Boston.  His  work  shows  jn*eat  learninjj  and  extensive 
accjuaintance  with  books,  but  is  arranged  in  the  oddest  method; 
abounds  with  the  most  unexpected  and  irrelevant  episodes,  and  his 
apologetic  stand-point  is  not  maintained  without  prejudice  and  par- 
tiality. What  with  citations  from  writers  ancient  and  modem,  he 
often  can  scarcely  make  his  way  to  the  subject  itself;  whole  pages 
have  frequently  no  more  matter,  strictly  speaking,  than  could  be 
expressed  in  as  many  lines.  Still,  the  courage  of  the  wearied  reader 
is  sustained  by  the  wit  and  humor,  which  are  displayed  even  in  the 
titles  and  superscriptions.  The  work  is  divided  into  seven  books. 
First  Book ;  Axtiquitiks,  (reporting :  The  design  where-on,  the 
manner  where-j/i,  and  people  where-6y,  the  several  Colonies  of  New 
England  were  planted,)  in  seven  chapters.  Chap.  1.  Venisti  (an- 
dtin  f    The  early  discoveries  of  America.    Chap.  2.  Prinwrdia.    The 


288  NEW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY. 

settlement  of  New  Plpnouth.  Chap.  3.  Conamiir  Tenues  Grandia. 
Farther  history  of  New  Plymouth.  Chap.  4.  Paulo  Majora  !  The 
settlement  of  Massachusetts.  Chap.  5.  Peregrini  Deo  Curae.  Pro- 
gress of  the  new  colony.  Chap.  6.  Qui  trans  mare  currunt.  Settle- 
ments in  Connecticut,  New  Haven,  Hampshire,  Maine.  Chap.  ?• 
Hecatompolis,  or  a  field  which  the  Lord  hath  blessed.  A  catalogue 
of  the  ministers.  With  a  Supplement:  ^^  The  Bostonian  Ebenezer ; 
some  Historical  Remarks  on  the  state  of  Boston ;  "  and  a  map,  show- 
ing the  earlier  division  of  New  England.  The  Second  Book  is  en- 
titled: EccLESiARUM  Clypei  ;  and  contains  biographical  sketches 
of  the  most  distinguished  early  Governors,  as  well  as  a  catalogue  of 
the  Assistants,  whom  he  calls  in  one  place  Patres  Conscripti,  in  an- 
other, 'r£3  -Vys  id  est  Viri  Animati.  Third  Book ;  Polybius,  or 
the  Lives  of  forty-seven  Divines.  Fourth  Book :  Sal  Gentium,  or 
the  History  of  Harvard  College,  and  biographies  of  eleven  eminent 
persons,  who  were  educated  in  the  University.  Fifth  Book :  Acts 
AND  Monuments.  This  is  the  most  important  portion  of  the  work, 
containing  the  conclusions  in  full  of  the  Massachusetts  Synods,  with 
very  interesting  extracts  from  controversial  writings.  Sixth  Book  : 
Thaumaturgus.  The  narration  of  wonderful  deliverances  at  sea 
(ch.  1.  Oiristus  supra  aquas),  and  in  tempests  (ch.  3.  Ceraunius),  is 
followed  by  accounts  of  conversions,  of  criminal  trials,  of  Missions 
among  the  Indians,  and  finally  by  stories  of  demons  and  witches. 
Seventh  Book:  Ecclesiarum  prcelia.  (Ch.  1.  Mille  nocendi 
artes.  Of  the  trials  of  the  New  England  churches  in  general.  Ch. 
2.  Litde  Foxes.  Roger  Williams,  and  political  enemies.  Ch.  3. 
Hydra  decapitata.  The  Antinomians  and  the  first  Synod  of  1637. 
Ch.  4.  Ignes  fatui.  The  Quakers,  and,  very  briefly,  the  Anabaptists. 
Ch.  5.  Wolves  in  sheep's  clothing.  Imposters,  who  pretended  to  be 
ministers.  Ch.  6.  Arma  virosque  cano.  Wars  with  the  Indians.)  — 
In  the  numerous  biographical  sketches,  the  author's  materials  often 
run  short,  and  the  deficiency  is  supplied  in  a  very  peculiar  fashion. 
Thus,  he  knows  nothing  of  Adam  Blackman,  except  that  he  exer- 
cised his  ministry  in  two  places,  and  was  very  simple  and  intelligible 
in  his  mode  of  preaching.  He  begins  therefore  with  a  reference  to 
Niger,  the  teacher  at  Antioch  (Acts  13:  1),  expresses  the  opinion 


NEW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY.  289 

tliat  it  could  not  bo  said  of  our  Blackman  :  hie  nifjer  estj  hunc  tu  Ro- 
mane  cavelo;  he  being  rather  a  Nazarite,  purer  than  snow,  whiter 
than  luilk.  Thereupon  he  passes  to  Melancthon,  and  closes  with 
Beza's  epitaph  upon  him.  No  one  is  dismissed  without  his  epitaph, 
sometimes  longer,  sometimes  shorter.  Avolavit!  suffices  for  the 
Rev.  Mr.  Partridge. 

"We  subjoin  the  following  wonls  of  the  Abbot  Steinmctz  in  refer- 
ence to  the  Magnalia,  which  occur  in  his  Preface  to  the  Faithful 
Narrative  of  the  glorious  work  of  God  in  Northampton  ;  Magdeburg 
and  Leipzig  1 738.  "  It  is  only  to  be  lamented,  that  the  book  is  made 
too  prolix  by  the  exuberance  of  ornaments,  which  the  fertile  genius 
and  immense  reading  of  the  author  threw  into  his  hands.  I  have 
therefore  readily  embraced  the  proposal  to  extract  the  substance  of 
the  work,  and,  if  the  Lord  should  accept  it  as  useful  for  his  kingdom, 
to  give  it  to  the  press  in  our  language.'*  (This  plan  has  not  been  as 
yet  carried  into  execution.)  But  whatever  exceptions  may  be  taken 
to  Mather's  exhibition  of  historical  facts,  and  however  much  he  may 
have  been  used  by  his  successors,  the  numerous  legal  documents 
as  well  as  the  synodical  decisions  in  full,  which  are  found  no  where 
but  in  his  work,  render  it  one  of  the  highest  importance. 

The  foregoing  work  forms  the  basis  of: 

The  History  of  New  England  to  the  year  of  our  Lord 
1700,  by  Daniel  Neal.  2  vols.  2  ed.  London  1747  (1st  ed.  1719) 
8vo. 

Neal,  also  the  author  of  the  History  of  the  Puritans,  was  an  Eng- 
lish Dissenter.  Ilis  chief  source  was  Mather's  Magnalia ;  but  he 
made  use  of  many  other  works  and  fugitive  writings,  and  has  fur- 
ni.she<l  a  very  full  statistical  representation,  as  well  as  a  statement  in 
alphabetical  order  of  the  laws  in  force  in  New  England.  The  his- 
torical narration  is  chronologically  arranged,  and  is  on  the  whole 
unprejudiced  and  impartial.  With  a  sympathy  for  the  Congrega- 
tionalists  natural  in  a  Dissenter,  he  has  nevertheless  examined  and 
used  the  accounts  of  those  opposed  to  them.     (See  above,  p.  118.) 

From  an  entirely  different  stand-point,  we  have : 
A  History  of  New  England,  with  particular  reference 

25 


290  NEW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY. 

TO    THE    DENOMINATION    OF    CHRISTIANS   CALLED  BAPTISTS ;    by 

Isaac  Backus,  Past,  of  the  First  Baptist  Church  in  Middleburgh.     2 
vols.     Boston  and  Providence  1777  and  1784. 

The  first  volume  extends  to  the  year  1690,  and  is  enriched  with 
numerous  extracts  from  the  writings  of  distinguished  men,  as  Robin- 
son, Cotton,  Williams.  In  his  account  of  the  treatment  of  the  Bap- 
tists, the  author  takes  strong  polemic  ground  against  the  ruling 
party  and  the  theocratic  constitution  in  New  England;  thus  supple- 
menting Mather  and  even  Neal.  In  the  second  part  (down  to  1 784) 
are  contained  many  documents  relative  to  the  declension  in  the  relig- 
ious and  church  life ;  in  this  connection  is  expressed,  as  might  be 
expected,  decided  disapproval  of  the  proceedings  in  Connecticut  in 
1708. 

Owing  to  the  connection  of  Church  and  State,  much  in  the  repre- 
sentation we  have  given,  especially  for  the  first  period,  is  touched  by 
the  political  historians.     Thus  in  : 

Hutchinson's  History  of  Massachusetts  to  the  year 
1750.     2  vols.     3  ed.     Salem  1765.     8vo.     (1st  ed.  1764). 

The  author  was  Governor  of  Massachusetts  at  the  breaking  out  of 
the  Revolution,  and  was  in  possession  of  a  very  rich  collection  of 
original  legal  documents,  which,  however,  were  in  great  part  destroyed 
during  a  riot  in  Boston.  The  style  of  representation  is  very  plain ; 
as  is  also  that  of  the  following  work,  by  a  clergyman  : 

Benjamin  Trumbull's  complete  History  of  Connecticut. 
2  vols.  Hartford  1797.     8  vo. 

The  first  volume,  the  one  used  in  the  foregoing  work,  extends  to 
the  year  1713.  It  contains  also  the  history  of  New  Haven,  and 
devotes  two  chapters  particularly  to  the  history  of  the  Church. 
Among  other  documents  we  find  here  the  Saybrook  Platform,  com- 
plete. 

Francis  Baylies'  Historical  Memoir  of  New  Plymouth. 
1830.     4  vols.     8vo. 

This  work  extends  to  the  union  of  New  Plymouth  with  Massachu- 
setts, and  is  very  particular  in  its  details. 


NEW   ENGLAND  THEOCRACY.  291 

Caleb  H.  Sxow*8  History  of  Bo8To>r  from  its  origin  to 

THE  PRESENT  PERIOD.      2  etl.      lk)ston  1828. 
More  in  the  fonn  of  aanaU ;  full  for  a  later  period. 

A  Collection  of  original  papers  relative  to  the  His- 
tory of  the  Colony  of  Massachusetts  Bay.    Boston  17G9. 

Very  interesting  letters,  and  important  legal  documents  from  the 
earliest  period,  chronologically  arranged.  In  the  copy  in  the  Berlin 
Library,  a  portion  is  wanting  at  the  end;  it  extends  to  November 
1G55. 

For  the  same  period : 

J.  WiNTHROP's  Journal.    Hartford  1790. 

This  diary  of  the  distinguished  first  Governor  of  Massachusetts 
furnishes  a  very  graphic  view  of  the  earlier  relations.  It  extends, 
however,  only  to  1644. 

The  following  works  have  for  their  stand-point  the  total  separation 
of  Church  and  State  now  prevailing  in  North  America. 

Memoir  of  Roger  Williams,  the  Founder  op  the  State 
of  Rhode  Island.     By  James  D.  Knowles.    Boston  1834i 

Tlie  author,  who  is  a  Baptist,  regards  Williams  as  the  father  of 
those  principles,  in  reference  to  the  relation  of  Church  and  State, 
now  established  in  North  America.  He  is  decidedly  unfavorable  to 
the  Theocracy.  Many  of  his  investigations  indicate  the  careful  study 
of  richly  instructive  sources ;  still  we  cannot  reckon  on  an  impartial 
judgment,  from  one  who  remarks  in  reference  to  the  occurrences  at 
•Munster  in  1535 :  "  It  seems  to  have  been  a  just  revolt,  and  a  strug- 
gle for  liberty ;  but  it  failed,  and  the  leaders  have  been  stigmatized 
as  fanatics,  and  as  guilty  of  every  species  of  crime.  The  story  has 
been  told  by  their  oppressors  and  enemies,  and  la  entitled  to  very 
little  credit" 

The  results  of  very  thorough  investigation  arc  embodied  in  : 
The  History  of  the  Old  South  Church  in  Boston,  in  four 

sermons  by  Benjamin  B.  Wisner,  Pastor  of  the  Church.     Boston 

1830. 


292  NEW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY. 

This  work  has  been  particularly  used  In  Chapter  VII.  of  our  his- 
tory ;  it  has  reference  chiefly  to  the  relations  of  the  early  period. 
The  author  exhibits  a  very  clear  conception  of  the  essential  nature 
of  the  Congregationalist  Theocracy,  though  regarding  the  total  sep- 
aration of  Church  and  State  as  the  salvation  of  the  church. 

From  the  same  point  of  view,  still  more  strongly  taken,  we  have : 

L'  UNION  DE  l'  EGLISE  ET  DE  L'  ETAT  DANS  LA  NOUVELLE  An- 
GLETERRE,  CONSIDEREE  DANS  SES  EFFETS  SUR  LA  RELIGION  AUX 

Etats-Unis.     Par  un  Americain.     Paris  1837. 

From  want  of  access  to  the  sources,  the  author's  data  are  insuffi- 
cient, and  indeed  incorrect.  Much  as  he  extols  the  Puritans  for 
their  piety  and  morality,  the  greatness  of  soul  in  which  they  under- 
took to  found  their  theocracy  seems  not  to  be  recognized  ;  and  the 
most  recent  revival  of  evangelical  Christianity  is  treated  as  a  wholly 
negative  result  of  the  completed  separation  between  Church  and 
State. 


APPENDIX    III. 


CHRONOLOGICAL  VIEW. 


England. 


lEzpeditionR—  Settle- 
ments —  Charters. 


The  liidcpend 
ents  in  the  north 
of  England. 
James  L 


Charles  L 


1GU2 

1603 
1606 

1608 

1614 

1620 

1623 

1625 

1629 

1630 

1633 
1634 
1636 


1637  Emij^tion  for- 
bidden. 


Capt.    Gosnold    in 
Massachusetts  Bay. 


Patents  for  North 
and  South  Virginia. 
Settlement  on  the 
Sagadahoc,  Maine. 
Capt.  John  Smith. 
New  England. 
Patentfor  the  Plym- 
outh Colony;  New 
Plymouth. 
Bradford's  Patent; 
transferred  by  him 
to  the  Gen'l  Court 


Patent  for  Massa- 
chusetts Bay. 
Salem  and  Charles- 
town. 

Expedition     under 
John  Winthrop. 
Boston. 

Newtown        (hitcr, 
Cambridge). 


Proridence  on  Nar- 
ragansct  Bay;  Hart- 
foni,  and  oth.  places 
on  the  Connecticut. 
New  Haven.  Set- 
tlem'ts  in  N.  Hamp- 
shire and  Maine. 


Domestlo  Events. 


The  Colony  of  New 
Plymouth  separates 
from  the  Company. 
Ilalph  Smith  in 
New  Plymouth. 
The  Salem  Church. 
The  broth's  Brown. 
Transfer  of  the 
Gov't  for  Massa- 
chusetts Bay. 


Controversies  with 
Roger  Williams. 
Sir  Henry  Vane  in 
Boston. 


Antinomian  Con- 
troversies ;  the  first 
S>Tiod. 


Indians. 


Pcqnot 
War. 


2o* 


294 


NEW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY. 


1638 

England. 

Expeditions  —Settle- 
ments —  Charters. 

Domestic  Events. 

Indians. 

Harvard      College 

founded. 

1640 

New       Hampshire 
united  with  Massa- 
chusetts. 

1641 

Civil  War. 

Mayhew. 

1643 

Patent    for    Rhode 
Island    and  Provi- 
dence Plantations. 

Confederation     of 
the     four     United 
Colonies  of  N.  Eng- 
land. 

1646 

Eliot. 

1647 

Agitations  in  Mas- 
sachusetts. 

1648 

Westmins'rCon- 
fession. 

\ 

Cambridge  Synod. 
(Platform). 

1649 

Charles  I.  exe- 
cuted. 

1651 

The  Anabaptists  in 
Massachusetts. 

i 

1653 

Oliver       Crom- 
weU. 

1 

1 

1656 

The  first  Quakers 
in  Boston. 

1657 

Religious      Agita- 
tions ;    Synods    in 
Connecticut. 

1658 

Savoy     Confes- 
sion ;      Richard 
Cromwell. 

1660 

Charles  II. 

Excut'nof  Quakers. 

1662 

Act  of  Uniform- 
ity. 

Boston    Synod    in 
ref  to  Baptism. 

1663 

Confirmation  of  the 
Charter  of   Rhode 
Island. 

1664 

Connecticut  and  N. 
Haven  Charter. 

Royal  Commission- 
ers in  N.  England. 
Attempt      of     the 
Baptists  to  found  a 
Church  in  Boston. 

1668 

Third    Church    in 
Boston. 

1676 

K.Philip's 
War. 

1679 

N.  Hamp.  separated 
from  Massachus'ts. 
Reforming   Syn- 
od. 

1684 

Colonies     deprived 
of  their  Charters. 

1685 

James  II. 

Increase  Mather  in 
England. 

i 
1 

NEW  ENGLAND  THEOCRACY 


296 


1688 

Encluid. 

Xxpodltions-Settle. 
menu  —  Oluurters. 

DomesUoXventa.    1   IndUn*. 

Wm.  aud  Mary. 

i 

1689 

Revolution  in  Bos- 
ton. 

1692 

Heads    op  A- 
oreemsmt. 

New  Charter. 

Witch  Trials. 

Border 
Wars. 

1702 

Anne. 

1704 

College     at     Say- 

brook     (afterwards                  | 

Yale  College). 

1708 

Saybrook  riatform 

1714 

George  I. 

1725 

Proposal  for  a  Sy- 
nod in  Boston. 

1727 

George  II. 

1735 

Awakenings         in 
Northampton. 

1740 

The   Great  Awak- 
enings. 

I  ]sr  r>  E  X. 


PAOB 

Admission  to  the  church, 154, 170, 238 

Aiusworth,  minister  in  Amsterdam, 41 

Anabaptists,  burnt  under  Elizabeth,       ....*.        34 

in  Rhode  Island, 106 

in  New  Plymouth, 110, 200 

in  Massachusetts  (1051), 110  ff. 

historical  notices  of  the 118 

in  Charlcstown  and  Boston  (1004  ff.) 200 

Andros,  Sir  Edmund,  Governor  of  New  England,        .        .        .       219 

Antinomians, 98  ff. 

Acquatneck,  Island,  later  Rhode  Island, 10^1 

Anninians, 49 

Articles,  the  Six  ;  the  Forty-two  ;  the  Thirty-nine,      .        .     19,  23,  30 

Austin,  Anna,  a  Quakeress, 121 

Associations, 232 

Baptism,  its  proper  subjects, 1(4  fC. 

Barbadoes, 121 

Basle,  exiles  in, 29 

Bellamont,  Earl  of.  Governor  of  New  York  and  New  England,         230 
Bcllingham,  Governor  of  Alassachusetts,  .        .        .    193,  204,  200 

Blyeraan,  minister  in  Connecticut, 108 

Bolcyn,  Anne 17,  19 

Boston  in  Massachusetts,  its  founding, 67 

Third  Church, 192  ff. 

in  England, 96 

Bradford,  Governor  of  New  Plymouth,     .        .        .        .        .       59, 88 
Bradstreet,  Governor  of  Massachusetts,        ....        131,185 

Brainerd,  missionary  among  the  Indians, 83 

Brewster,  elder  of  the  churches  in  Leyden  and  New  Plym- 
outh,          41,  53,  59,  ®,  106 

Brown,  Richard,  founder  of  the  Brownists, 35  ff. 

the  brothers, 64 

Brownists, 38 

Bulklcy,  minister  in  Massachusetts, 100 

Burleigh,  William  Cecil,Lord 35,37 


298  INDEX. 

PAOB 

Cabot,  Sebastian, 51 

Calvin,  on  the  Eng.  Reformation  and  the  exiles  under  Mary,      .    22,  27 
Cambridge,  in  Massachusetts,  earlier  Newtown,       .         60,  84,  100,  102 
Platform  of  Church  Discipline,         .        .        .      68  if .  150  fF. 

Cape  Cod, 56 

Carr,  Sir  Robert,  royal  Commissioner,  186 

Cartwright,  George,  royal  commissioner, 186 

Thomas,  father  of  the  Puritans, 33 

Catherine  of  Arragon, .        .15 

Charles  I., 77,  92,  96 

"      II., 79,  133,  181,  184,  218 

Charlestown  in  Massachusetts, 67, 201 

Chauncey,  Charles,  President  of  Harvard  College,   .        .        .        .180 

minister  in  Boston, 278 

Christison,  "VTheelock,  a  Quaker,        .......   132 

Church-constitution  of  the  Independents,  its  two  principles  : 

Independence  of  each  church, 38,  70 

Opposition  to  free  communion,    .....  42,  154 

Clarke,  John,  Baptist, 108  ff. 

Maria,  a  Quakeress, 122 

Commission,  the  High, 29 

Common  Prayer-Book, 24,  27 

Congregational ists,  name  of  the 69 

Connecticut,  settlements  in, 78 

Quakers  in, 126 

religious  agitations  and  synods, 165  ff. 

Charter  of  Charles  II.  ;  union  with  New  Haven,    .        .        .   18L  ff. 
synods  for  the  decision  of  ecclesiastical  controversies,      .        196  ff. 

lamentations  over  the  Declension 210 

Charter  withdrawn  and  re-assumed, 219 

synods  for  the  change  of  the  church  constitution, .        .        .  228  ff. 

opposition  to  the  revivals, 275 

Copeland,  a  Quaker, 123  ff. 

Cotton,  John,  minister  in  Boston,  .        .        .        .68,  96,  100,  115,  116 

Covenant  of  the  Salem  church, 61 

of  the  Third  church  in  Boston, 192 

renewal  of  the, 215 

Half-way, 172,238 

Crandall,  an  Anabaptist, Ill  ff. 

Conso(  iations, 232 

Cromwell,  Thomas,  Lord 17, 19 

Cudworth,  Capt.  James,  of  New  Plymouth,  ....       127 
Davenport,  John,  minister  in  New  Haven  and  Bos- 
ton,           75,  79,  85,  101,  169,  180, 101 

James,  great-grandson  of  John,       .......  276 


INDEX.  299 

rAO« 

Drinker,  an  Anabaptist, 'J02 

Dunster,  llcnry,  PrcsUlciu  ot' Harvard  College,         ....   lAW 
Dutch  settlements  in  Nonh  America,     .        .        .        .    00,  79,  1S2,  188 

Dyiir,  Mj\r>',  a  Qualvcress,  executed V2S 

l.aton,  Tlieophilus,  first  Governor  of  New  Haven,       ...         79 

JAhvard  VI., 20 

1  .dwanls,  Jonathan,  minister  in  Northampton,     ....       *J  1 1  AT. 

Kliot,  John,  among  the  Indians, bl 

Klizabcth,  Queen, 29 

Kndicott,  Governor  of  Massachusetts, 113,128 

I'pi.scopalians  in  New  England, dl,  219,  235 

Kxcommunication,  articles  of, 100 

Famum,  an  Anabaptist, 203 

Fisher,  Maria,  a  Quakeress, 121 

Fox,  George,  founder  of  the  Quakers, 119 

Frankfort-on-the-Main,  exiles  in, 27 

Geneva,  exiles  in, 29 

George,  an  Anabaptist, •  202 

German  church  in  London, 22 

Reformation,  its  influence  on  the  English,       ....     18 

Goodwin,  elder  in  Hartford, 1G5 

Gould,  Anabaptist, 202 

Green,  John,  banished  from  Boston, 105 

Grindal,  archbishop  of  Canterbury, 34 

Hampton  Court  Conference, 40 

Harris,  a  Quaker, 124 

Hartford,  capital  of  Connecticut,  settlement  of,   ...        .         78 
controversies  in  the  church  at,  ....    165,  172,  199 

new  church  at,  without  the  former  tests,     ....       223 

Harvard  College, 8t  ff. 

He.vds  of  Agreement, 220 

Hcnr>'Vni.,  .        .        .        .        • 15 

Higginson,  minister  at  Salem,         .        .        .        .'       .        .        .  60, 87 

Hingham  in  Massachusetts, 139 

Holden,  a  Quaker, 123 

Holland,  Puritan  fugitives  to, 38,  40 

Holmes,  an  Anabaptist, 110 

Hooker,  Thomas,  minister  in  Hartford, 100 

Hooper,  Bishop, 21,26 

Hubbard,  the  historian, 118, 163,  166 

Hutchinson,  Abigail,  in  Northampton, 209 

Ann,  in  Bo.ston, 98 

GoVemor  of  Massachusetts,  and  historian,  118,210 

I ndian.s,  first  treaty  of  peace  with  them, r)8 

treatment  of  the  same, 58,  C'i 


800  INDEX. 

FAOB 

Indians,  missions  among  them, 81 

King  Philip's  war, 209 

Indian  College, ;    .        .        .82 

James  I., .        .  40, 52 

"    IL,  proclaimed  in  Boston, 219 

Johnson,  Capt.,  historian, 118 

Knox,  in  Frankfort  and  Geneva, 28 

Laud,  archbishop  of  Canterbury, 67,  92 

Lcddra,  William,  a  Quaker,  executed, 131 

Leyden,  church  at, 41,  49,  52,  59,  60 

Lenthal,  minister  at  Weymouth,  Massachusetts,      .        .        .        .137 

Leverett,  Governor  of  Massachusetts, 204,  206 

London,  letter  of  certain  Congregationalist  ministers  from,    .        .  204 

Long  Island,  settlements  on, 79 

Lynn,  in  Massachusetts,  meeting  of  Anabaptists  at,         .        .        .111 

Maine,  settlements  in, 52,  78 

Maiden,  in  Massachusetts,  .        .  ^ 162 

Mary,  the  Catholic, 25 

Massachusetts  Bay,  expeditions  to,  settlements  on,  .         52,  60,  65 

Colony,  the  most  important  in  New  England,    .        .     67,  78,  79 

Roger  Williams  in, 86 

Antinomians  in, 98 

Quakers  in, 121,  207  ff. 

religious-political  agitations, 139  ff. 

calUng  of  the  Synod  of  1662, 174 

relation  to  Charles  IL, 181  ff. 

lamentations  over  the  church  declension,        .        .        .210,  220 
abrogation  of  the  old  and  grant  of  a  new  charter,     .        .       219 

attempt  to  form  Associations, 230 

desire  for  a  Synod,  1725,        .......       236 

Revivals,"  . 272 

Mather,  Richard,  minister  in  Dorchester,  ....  150,  180 
Eleazer,  minister*in  Northampton,  son  of  Richard,  .  180,  248 
Increase,  son  of  Richard,       ....         180,  192,  219,  228 

Cotton,  son  of  Increase, 118,  235 

Maverick,  royal  commissioner, .       186 

Mayhew,  family  of,  among  the  Indians, 81 

Miles,  Baptist  at  Swansea  in  New  Plymouth,        ....       201 

Missions  among  the  Indians, 81 

Mitchel,  minister  at  Cambridge,  Massachusetts,    .        .        197,  223,  224 
Morton,  smthor  of  the  New  England  Memorial,        .        .        .        .118 

Narragansett  Bay,  settlements  on, 95 

Naylor,  James,  English  Quaker, 120 

New  Amsterdam, 182, 186 

New  England 79 


INDEX.  *301 

TAOU 

New  Ilampshire,  settlement  of, 78,  8D 

separated  from  Massachusetts, 209 

New  Ilavcn,  settlements, 78 

College  in, 85 

Quakers  in, 120 

on  the  controversies  in  Connecticut  of  1G57,       .        .        .       169  AT. 

union  with  Connecticut, 181  IT. 

New  Plymouth,  settlement  of, 57 . 

sovereignty  of  the  General  Court  of, 77 

Williams  in 88 

Anabaptists  in, 110,200 

Quakers  in, 121,  127 

royal  commissioners  in, 187 

lamentations  over  the  Declension, 210 

union  with  Massachusetts, 219 

change  in  terms  of  admission  to  the  church,      .        .        .       223 

Newport,  in  Rhode  Island, 108 

Newtown,  see  Cambridge. 

Nichols,  Colonel, 186 

Noddle's  Island,  in  Massachusetts  Bay 204 

Northampton,  in  Massachusetts,  the  church  and  revivals  in,  .        .  2l.'5 
Norton,  John,  minister  at  Ipswich  and  Boston,  .        148,  185 

Oakes,  Urian,  on  the  church  declension, 224 

Officers  in  the  Congregationalist  churches, 158 

Osbume,  an  Anabaptist 202 

Parker,  archbishop  of  Canterbury, 30,  34 

Partridge,  minister  in  Duxbury,  New  Plymouth,     .        .        .        .150 

Philip,  king  of  the  Wampanoags, 80,  209 

Phipps,  Governor  of  New  England, 221 

Presbyterians, 149 

Providence, 79,  95 

Puritans  in  England, 30,  33 

Quakers  in  England, 119 

in  America, •        .        .    121  ff.  207 

defence  of  the  measures  against  them, 129 

Rehoboth  in  New  Plymouth, 110,200 

Revivals,  nature  of, 21 1  AT. 

in  Northampton, 2 15  ff. 

general,  in  New  England, 272  ff. 

Revolution  in  Boston, 219 

Rhode  Island,  settlements  and  charter,      .        .  .       79, 86,  104 

Quakers  in, 121,  125 

withdrawal  of  the  charter 219 

Ridley,  bishop  of  Rochester, 23,  26 

Robinson,  John,  father  of  the  Independents 40 

26 


302  INDEX. 

TXOS 

Robinson,  his  view  of  the  Reformation,        .....         43 
"     "     "     "     power  of  the  keys, 45 

opposition  to  free  communion, 48 

farewell  address  to  the  emigrants, 54 

letter  to  the  same, 56,  2S3 

William,  a  Quaker,  executed, 1128 

Salem,  in  Massachusetts,         ...         60,  64,  86,  94,  110,  122,  221 
Saltonstall,  Sir  Richard,  on  the  persecution  of  the  Anabaptists,      .   115 

Gurdon,  Governor  of  Connecticut, 230 

Savoy  Confession, 149 

Saybrook  Platform,  .       . 231 

Skclton,  minister  in  Salem, 60,  87,  89 

Smith,  John,  the  Se-Baptist, 41,  89 

Ralph,  minister  in  New  Plymouth, 59,  88 

Somerset,  Duke  of,  Lord  Protector, 23 

Southampton,  England,  departure  from, 56 

Sovereignty  of  the  New  England  governments,    ....         77 

Stevenson,  Marmadukc,  a  Quaker,  executed, 128 

Stoddard,  minister  at  Northampton, 228,  248 

Stone,  minister  at  Hartford, 165,  168,  172 

Strasburg,  exiles  in, 27 

Street,  minister  in  New  Haven,  .        .        .        .  -     .        .        .    180,  192 

Swansea,  in  New  Plymouth, 201 

Synod  of  1637  against  the  Antinomians, 100 

1646-1648,  (Platform  of  Church-discipline,)        ...       148  ff. 

1657, 168  ff. 

1659,  in  Connecticut, 173  ff. 

1662,  on  the  subjects  of  baptism,     .        .        ,        .        .        .   174  ff. 

Reforming  synod  of  1679, 211  ff. 

1708,  at  Saybrook, 231  ff. 

1725,  attempt  for  a, 235 

Tennant,  Gilbert,  of  New  Jersey, 272 

«/  Theocracy,  Congregationalist, 75  ff. 

dissolution  of, 162 

Turner,  William,  an  Anabaptist, 202 

Unitarians, 238 

United  Colonies  of  New  England, 125,  198 

Upsal, 122 

Vane,  Sir  Henry, 95,  104 

Virginia,  Company  for  North  and  South, 52 

Westminster,  Assembly  and  Confession  of, 149 

Wheelwright,  minister  in  Boston, 99,  102 

Whitefield,  in  New  England, 272,  279 

Whitgift,  archbishop  of  Canterbury, 35 

William  HI., 219 


INDEX.  303 

TAOU 

Williams,  Roger, 80  ff.  104, 106. 115, 120 

Willard,  minister  in  Boston, 227 

Wilson,  "  " 89,115,190 

Winthrop,  John,  Governor  of  Mrt-ssachusetts,  05,  87,  89,  90,  141,  144 
John,  Governor  of  Connecticut,  son  of  Jolin,  .  .  127,  181 
Fitz^Tohn,  Governor  of  Connecticut,  son  of  the  preceding,     230 

Witch-trials, 221 

Witter,  William,  an  Anabaptist, Ill 

Yale  College, 85 


I 


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RECENT   PUBLICATIONS, 


THE  EVIDENCES  OP  CHRISTIANITY,  as  exhibited  in  the  writings  of 
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The  essay  contained  In  this  vohime  received  the  Ilulsean  prize  (alwut  ffiOO)  In 
The  author  Is  a  professor  In  Gunvlllc  and  Calus  College,  Cambridge,  and  evidently  a  very 
learned  student  of  the  patristic  wrltluRS  and  the  whole  circle  of  ecclesiastical  history.  He  has 
presonte*!  to  the  world  In  this  essay  an  admirable  compendium  of  the  argumenU  for  the  truth 
of  Christianity  advanced  In  the  works  of  the  Apologetic  Fathers  during  the  third,  fourth,  and 
(Ifth  centuries  of  the  Christian  era.  These  arguments  are  dasslfled  as  being 
antecedent  probability,  from  antiquity,  fVom  prophecy,  ttom  miracles,  ttoiu  the  i 
of  doctrine,  trom  superior  morality,  and  from  the  success  of  the  Qoepel.  —  jV.  T. 

Tills  Is  a  work  of  deep  research,  and  of  great  value  to  the  theological  student  • 

We  had  occasion,  some  time  since,  to  notice  this  work,  when  we  expressed  «  high  estimate 
cf  ttx  merits.  We  can  only  say  that.  In  looking  through  it  a  second  time,  our  appreciation  of 
both  the  learning  and  the  ingenuity  which  It  discovers  is  heightened  rather  than  dimluUhed 
We  thankfully  accept  such  an  effort  as  this  of  a  profound  and  highly-cultivated  mind  —  Furi 
tan  Recorder. 

The  work  bears  the  marks  of  great  research,  and  must  command  the  attention  and  confidence 
of  the  ChriiiUan  world.  —  JtfrroafUfls  Journal. 

THE  BETTER  LAND  ;  or.  Thoughts  on  Heaven.  By  A.  C.  Thompson, 
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THE  mSSION  OF  THE  COMFORTER  ;  with  copious  Notes.  By  Jolius 
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We  hardly  remember  any  treatise  which  Is  so  well  calcnlated  to  be  usefni  In  general  drcula. 

tlon  amonK  ministers,  and  the  more  educated  laity,  than  this,  which  Is  rich  In  Bpirltuallty, 

Btron#md  sornid  In  thoology,  comprehensive  in  thought,  vigorous  and  beautlAil  In  imagin&tloo, 

and  affluent  In  learning.  —  OongregationatUt. 
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'5'IRST  LINES  OF  CHRISTIAN  THEOLOGY.    In  the  form  of  a  Syllabus, 
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"HVs  RELIGIONS  OF  THE  WORLD,  and  their  relations  to  (  iiri.><ti:inity. 
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The  effort  we  deem  masteriy,  and.  In  any  event,  must  prove  hlgUy  tutcfeatloc  by  the  eoai 
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GUIDO  AND  JULIUS.  The  Doctrink  of  Sii»  axd  thw  Propitiato*  ;  or, 
the  Trie  Consecration  of  the  Doubter.  Exhibited  in  the  Correspondence  of 
two  Friends.  By  Frederis  Augustut  0.  Tholdch,  D.  D.  Translated  froa 
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HOURS  WITH  EUROPEAN  CELEBRITIES.  By  the  Rev.  William  B. 
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fHE  LANDING  AT  CAPE  ANNE  ,  or,  The  Charter  of  the  First  Perm  a- 
SENT  Colony  on  the  Territory  of  the  Massachusetts  Company.  Now 
discovered  and  first  published  from  the  original  manuscript,  with  an  in 
quiry  into  its  authority,  and  a  History  of  the  Colony,  1624-1628.  Roge: 
Conant  Governor.     By  Joh»  Wingate  Thornton.     8vo,  cloth.     $1.50. 

This  Is  a  curious  and  exceedingly  valuable  historical  document. 

A  volume  of  great  ''iterest  and  Importance  —  Evening  Traveller.  (10 


IMPORTAJ^T    NEW    WORKS. 

THE  CHRISTIAN  LIF2  :    Social  and  Individual.    By  PrrKB  Batitk,  A.  M 

12nio.     Cloth.    #1.25. 

CoHttnis.  — V ART  1.    Statkmknt.    I.  The  Individual  LJfls.    II.  The  Social  I JA. 

Part  II.    Exposition   and  Illubtration.    Book  I.     Christianity  tht  Dasu  •/ 

xai  Life     I.  First  Principles.     II.  Howard;  and  the  rise  ol  Philanthropy.    III. 

ilberfoice;  and  the  development  of  Philanthropy.    IV.  Budf^tt;  tlie  Christian 

imau.    V.  Theuocial problem oftheaKe, and  oneortwohintstowardsitssolution. 

«t  //.     Chriatianity  the  Basis  of  Individual    Character.     I.    lutroductory :   a   few 

<  olds  on  Moderu  Doubt.    II.  John  Foster.    III.  Thoma«  Arnold.    lY.  Tbomaa 

Chalmers.     Part  III.    Ootlook.    I.  The  rositire  Philoflophy.    IL  rantlMlflUf 

Spiritualism.    III.  General  Conclusion. 

1'auticular  attention  is  invited  to  this  work.  In  Scotland,  Its  publication,  during 

the  lu:Jt  winter,  produced  a  great  sensation.    Uugh  Miller  made  it  the  subject  of  ac 

elaborate  review  in  his  paper,  the  Edinburgh  Witness,  and  gave  his  readers  to  uuder> 

stand  that  it  was  an  extraordinary  work.    The  '*  News  of  tht  Churches^^^  the  monthly 

orj»an  of  the  Scottish  Free  Church,  was  equally  emphatic  in  its  praise,  pronouncing 

it  "  the  religious  book  of  the  season."    Strikingly  original  in  plan  and  brilliant  in 

t -xi-cutiou,  it  far  8urpa«ses  the  expectations  rai'^d  by  the  somewhat  familiar  title.    It 

<     i  II  truth,  a  bold  onslaught  (and  the  first  of  the  kind)  upon  the  Pantheism  of  Carlyle, 

!ite,  etc.,  by  an  ardent  admirer  of  Carlyle;  and  at  the  same  time  an  exhibition  of 

Christian  Life,  in  its  inner  principle,  and  as  illustrated  in  the  lives  of  Howard 

oui-torce,  ISutt^ett,  Fotiter.  Ciiaiiners.  elt.    The  brilliancy  and  rigor  of  the  author  f 

I'  are  remarkable 

PATRIARCHY;  or,  the  Family,  its  Constitution  and  Proba  By  Joh« 

Hakkis,  D.  D.,  President  of  "  New  College,"  London,  and  author  of  "  The 
Great  Teacher"  "  Mammon."  "  Pre- Adamite  Earth,"  "  Man  Primeval,"  eta 
12mo.    Cloth.    $1.25.    CriT"  A  newwork  of  great  interest. 
This  is  the  third  and  last  of  a  series,  by  the  same  author,  entitled  ''  Contributions 
to  Theological  Science."    The  plan  of  this  series  Is  hij;hly  ori;;inal,  and  has  been 
mo.«t  succe.s/!fully  executed.    Of  the  two  first  in  the  series, ''  Prc-Adamite  Earth"  and 
*'  Man  Primeval,"  we  have  already  issued  four  and  five  editions,  and  the  demand 
still  continues.    The  immense  sale  of  all  Dr.  Harris's  works  attest  their  intrinsic 
worth.    This  volume  contains  most  important  information  and  instruction  touching 
the  family—  its  nature  and  order,  parental  instruction,  parental  autliority  and  gov- 
ernment, parental  responsibility,  &c.    It  contains,  in  fact,  such  a  fund  of  valuabl# 
information  as  no  pastor,  or  head  of  a  family,  can  afford  to  dispense  with. 

GOD  REVEALED  IN  NATURE  AND  IN  CHRIST:  Including  a  Refutation 
of  the  Development  Theory  contained  in  the  "  Vestiges  of  the  Natural  History 
of  Creation."  By  the  Author  of  "  Th«  Philobopht  or  thb  Fulk  of  Sai#- 
VATioH."    12mo.    Cloth.    $1.00. 

The  author  of  that  remarkable  book,  "  The  Philosophy  of  the  Plan  of  Salvation," 
ha  devoted  several  years  of  incessant  labor  to  the  preparation  of  this  work.  Without 
being  specifically  controversial,  its  aim  is  to  overthrow  several  of  the  popular  errors 
of  the  day,  by  establishing  the  antagonist  truth  upon  an  impregnable  basis  of  reaaos 
and  logic.  In  opposition  to  the  doctrine  of  a  mere  subjective  revelation,  now  so 
plausibly  inculcated  by  certain  eminent  writers,  it  demonstrates  tbe  necessity  of  an 
external,  objective  revelation.  Especially,  it  furnishes  a  new,  and  as  it  is  conceived, 
a  conclujiive  argument  against  the  "  development  theory  "  so  ingeniously  maintamed 
in  the  "  Vestiges  of  the  Natural  History  of  Creation."  As  this  author  does  not  pob- 
lish  except  when  he  has  something  to  say,  there  is  good  reason  to  anticipate  that  the 
work  will  be  one  of  unusual  Interest  and  value.  Uis  former  book  has  met  with  the 
most  signal  success  in  »H>th  hemispheres,  having  passed  through  numerous  editions 
in  England  and  Scotlana,  and  been  translated  into  four  of  the  European  languagei 
besides     It  ts  also  about  to  be  translated  into  the  Ilindoostanee  tonjtue.  (nu 


IMPORTANT  WORKS. 

ANALYTICAL  CONCORDANCE  OF  THE  HOLY  SCEEPTTJIIES ; 
or,  The  Bible  presented  under  Distinct  and  Classified  Heads  or  Tcpics.  By  Johk 
Eadie,  D.  D.,  LL.  D.,  Author  of  "Biblical  Cyclopaedia,"  "Dictionary  of  the 
Bible,"  &c.,  &c.  One  volume,  royal  octavo,  836  pp.  Cloth,  $3.00;  sheep,  $3.50. 
Just  published. 

The  publishers  would  call  the  special  attention  of  clergymen  and  others  to  some  of  the  peculiar 
features  of  this  great  work. 

1.  It  is  a  concordance  of  sufjects,  not  of  words.  In  this  it  differs  from  the  common  concordance, 
Which,  of  course,  it  does  not  supersede.    Both  are  necessary  to  the  Biblical  student 

2.  It  embraces  all  the  topics,  both  secular  and  religious,  which  are  naturally  suggested  by  the  entire 
contents  of  the  Bible.  In  this  it  differs  from  Scripture  Manuals  and  Topical  Textrbooks,  which  are 
tonfined  to  religious  or  doctrinal  topics. 

3.  It  contains  the  whole  of  the  Bible  without  dhridgment,  differing  in  no  respect  from  the  Bible  in 
common  use,  except  in  the  classification  of  its  contents. 

4.  It  contains  a  synopsis,  separate  from  the  concordance,  presenting  within  the  compass  of  a  few 
pages  a  bird's-eye  view  of  the  whole  contents, 

5.  It  contains  a  table  of  contents,  embracing  nearly  two  thousand  heads,  arranged  in  alphabetical 
order. 

C.  It  is  much  superior  to  the  only  other  work  in  the  language  prepared  on  the  same  general  plan, 
ond  is  offered  to  the  public  at  much  less  cost. 

The  purchaser  gets  not  only  a  Concordance,  but  also  a  Bible,  in  this  volume.  The  superior  con- 
venience arising  out  of  this  fact,  —  saving,  as  it  does,  the  necessity  of  having  two  bookj  at  hand  and 
of  making  two  references,  instead  of  one,  —  will  be  readily  apparent. 

The  general  subjects  (under  each  of  vhich  there  are  a  vast  number  of  sub-divisions)  are  arranged 
OS  follows,  viz. : 

Ministers  of  Beligion,    Sacrifice, 
Miracles,  Scriptures, 

Occupations,  Speech, 

Ordinances,  Spirits, 

Parables  and  Emblems,  Tabernacle  and  Temple, 
Persecution,  Vineyard  and  Orchard, 

Praise  and  Prayer,  Visions  and  Dreams, 

Prophecy,  "War, 

Providence,  Water. 

Redemption, 

,  Sabbaths  and  Holy  Days, 
That  such  a  work  as  this  is  of  exceeding  great  convenience  is  matter  of  obvious  remark.  But  it 
Is  much  more  than  that ;  it  is  also  an  instructive  work.  It  is  adapted  not  only  to  assist  the  student 
in  prosecuting  the  investigation  of  preconceived  ideas,  but  also  to  impart  ideas  which  the  most  care- 
ful reading  of  the  Bible  in  its  ordinary  arrangement  might  not  suggest.  Let  him  take  Tip  any  one  of 
the  subjects  —  "  Agriculture,"  for  example  —  and  see  if  such  be  not  the  case.  This  feature  places 
the  work  in  a  higher  grade  than  that  of  the  common  Concordance.  It  shows  it  to  be,  so  to  speak,  a 
work  of  more  mind. 

No  Biblical  student  would  willingly  dispense  with  this  Concordance  when  once  possessed.  It  is 
adapted  to  the  necessities  of  all  classes,  —  clergymen  and  theological  students;  Sabbath-school 
.•uperintendents  and  teachers;  authors  engaged  in  the  composition  of  religious  and  even  secular 
works;  and,  in  fine,  common  readers  of  the  Bible,  intent  only  on  their  own  improvement. 

A  COMMENTARY  ON  THE  ORIGINAL  TEXT  OF  THE  ACTS 
OF  THE  ATOSTLES.  By  Horatio  B.  Hackett.  D.  D.,  Professor  of  Biblical  Liter- 
ature and  Interpretation,  in  the  Newton  Theological  Institution.  DCr'A  new, 
revised,  and  enlarged  edition.     Octavo,  cloth.    In  Press. 

B@~  This  most  important  and  very  popular  work,  has  been  throughly  revised  (some  parts  being 
entirely  rewritten),  and  considerably  enlarged  by  the  introduction  of  important  new  matter,  the 
result  of  the  Author's  continued,  laborious  investigations  since  the  publication  of  the  first  edition. 
Bided  by  the  more  recent  published  criticisms  on  this  portion  of  the  Divine  "Word,  by  othe^:  distin- 
guished Biblical  Scholars,  in  this  country  and  in  Europe.  (T) 


Agriculture, 

Genealogy, 

Animals, 

God, 

Architecture, 

Heaven, 

Army,  Arms, 

Idolatry,  Idols, 

Body, 

Jesus  Christ, 

Canaan, 

Jews, 

Covenant, 

Laws, 

Diet  and  Dress, 

Magistrates, 

Disease  and  Death, 

Man, 

Earth, 

Marriage, 

Family, 

Metals  and  Mir 

IMPORTANT  NEW  WORKS. 

THE  TESTIMONY  OF  THE  ROCKS  :  or,  Geology  in  its  Bearings  on 
the  two  Theologies,  Natural  and  Kevealcd.  By  Hugh  Miller.  "  Thou  Hlialt  be 
in  league  with  the  stones  of  the  field."  —  Jo6.  With  numerous  elegant  illustratlous. 
12mo,  cloth,  «125. 

The  completion  of  thii  important  work  employed  th«  laat  boon  of  th«  lamented  author,  and  may 
be  coniidered  his  greate«t  and  in  Act  his  life  work. 

MACAULAY  ON  SCOTLAND.  A  Critique.  By  Huoh  Miller, 
Author  of  "  Footprints  of  the  Creator,  *  &o.    16nia,  flexible  cloth,  25c. 

When  we  read  Hacaulay's  I»t  volumes,  we  said  that  they  wanted  nothing  but  the  Action  to  maka 
an  epic  poem;  and  now  it  seems  that  they  are  not  wanting  even  in  that.—  Pubitak  Rxcokdbb. 

lie  meets  the  historian  at  the  fountain  head,  tracks  him  through  the  old  pamphlets  and  newspapcn 
on  which  he  relied,and  demonstrates  that  his  own  authorities  are  against  him.— BosToa  Trait  scai ft. 

THE   GREYSON   LETTERS.     Selections  from  the  Correspondence  of 

R.  E.  U.  auTSOX,  Esq.    Edited  by  Hznbt  Kogees,  Author  of  «  The  Eclipse  of  Faith." 

1:^0,  cloth,  $1.25. 

"  Mr.  Oreyson  and  Mr.  Rogers  are  one  and  the  same  person.  The  whole  work  Is  from  his  pen  1 
and  every  letter  is  radiant  with  the  genius  of  the  author  of  the  '  Eclipse  of  Faith.' "  It  discusses  a 
wide  range  of  sul^ects  in  the  most  attractive  manner.  It  abounds  in  the  keenest  wit  and  humor, 
satire  and  logic.  It  fairly  entities  Mr.  Rogers  to  rank  with  Sydney  Smith  and  Charles  Lamb  as  a 
wit  and  humorist,  and  with  Bishop  Butler  as  a  reasoner. 

If  Mr.  Rogers  lives  to  accomplish  our  expectations,  we  ftel  little  doubt  that  his  name  will  share, 
with  those  of  Butler  and  Pascal,  in  the  gratitude  andvenerationof  posterity.  — Loir dok  Quabtkui.t. 

Full  of  acute  observation,  of  subtle  analysis,  of  accurate  logic,  fine  description,  apt  quotation,  pithy 
remark,  and  amusing  anecdote.  ...  A  book,  not  for  one  hour,  but  for  all  hours;  not  for  one  mood, 
but  for  every  mood,  to  think  over,  to  dream  over,  to  laugh  over.  —  Boston  Joubxal. 

A  truly  good  book,  containing  wise,  true  and  original  reflections,  and  written  in  an  attractive  style. 

—  Hon.  Obo.  S.  Uillabo,  LL.  D.,  in  Botton  Courier. 

Mr.  Rogers  has  few  equals  as  a  critic,  moral  philosopher,  and  defender  of  truth.  .  .  .  This  volume 
is  ftoU  of  entertainment,  and  full  of  food  for  thought,  to  feedon.  —  Puiladelpuia  PBBSBTXBBiAir. 

The  Letters  are  intellectual  gems,  radiant  with  beauty  and  the  lighto  of  geniiu,  happily  Inters 
mingling  the  grave  and  the  gay.  —  CnBisTiAJr  Obsbbvbb. 

ESSAYS  IN  BIOGRAPHY  AND  CRITICISM.    By  Peter  Batoe, 

M.  A,  Author  of  "  The  Christian  Life,  Social  and  Individual."    Arranged  in  two  Bxaaa, 
OR  Parts.    12mo,  cloth,  each,  $1.25. 

This  work  is  prepared  by  the  author  eaclndvely  for  his  American  pnbllshers.    It  tnelodes  el^ 
teen  articles,  vist 
First  Sebibs  :-  Thomas  De  Quincy.  —  Tennyson  and  his  Teachers.  —  Mrs.  Barrett  Browning. 

—  Recent  AspecU  of  British  Art.  —  John  Ruskin.  -  Hugh  Miller.  —  The  Modem  Novel ;  Dickens,  to. 

—  Ellis,  Acton,  and  Currer  BelL  —  Charles  Kingslcy. 

Second  Series  :  —  8.  T.  Coleridge.  —  T.  B.  Blacaulay.  —  Alison.  —  Wellington.  —  Napoleon.  — 
Plato.  -  Characteristics  of  Christian  CivUiMtion.  —  Education  hi  the  Nineteenth  Century.  -  The 
Pulpit  and  the  Press. 

LIFE  AND  CHARACTER  OF  JAl^IES  MONl'GOMERY.  Abridged 
from  the  recent  London,  seven  volume  edition.  By  3Ir8.  H.  C  Kniout,  Author 
of  '•  Lady  Huntington  and  her  Friends,"  &c.  With  a  fine  llkene»  and  an  elegant 
illustrated  title  page  on  steel.    12mo,  cloth,  91.25. 

This  is  an  original  biography  prepared  fW)m  the  abundant,  but  llWlgested  materials  con- 
tained in  the  seven  octavo  volumes  of  the  London  edition.  The  great  bulk  of  that  work,  together 
with  the  heavy  ttyle  of  its  literary  exe.:utio}i,  must  necessarily  prevent  its  republication  in  this 
country.  At  the  same  time,  the  Christ'a'i  ptiU'f.  in  America  will  expect  some  memoir  of  a  poet 
whose  hymns  snd  sacred  melodies  ha''e  dceB  th/  '^'llght  of  every  household.  This  work,  it  is  confl- 
den  tly  hoped,  will  taWy  satisfy  the  p'ltOi'l'ren  MiM  prepared  by  ona  who  has  already  von  distin- 
guished laurels  in  this  department  oT  htenfejn  (xj 


GOULD   AND  LINCOLN,  \ 

69  ■WASHINGTON  STREET,  BOSTON,  ] 

Would  call  particular  attention  to  the  following  valuable  worKS  described  i 

in  their  Catalogue  of  Publications,  viz. :  ; 

Hugh   Miller's    Works.  ' 
Sayne'fl  Works.       Walker's  Works.       Miall's  Works.       Bungener's   Woxk. 

AJmnal  of  Scientific  Discovery.      Knight's  Knowledge  is  Power.  1 

Krummacher's  SuflFering  Saviour,  ; 

Banvard's  American  Histories.     The  Aimwell  Stories.  ] 

WewoOjnb's  Works.     Tweedie's  Works.     Chambers's  Works.     Harris' Works.  ] 

Kitto's  Cyclopaedia,  of  Biblical  Literature.  i 

%r8.  Knight" s  Life  of  Montgomery.        Kitto's  History  of  Palestin  | 

Wheewell's  Work.     Wayland's  Works.     Agassiz's  Works.  ' 


JLK'JiwryKSii 


William's  Works.     Ghuyot's  Works. 

Chompson'B  Better  Land.     Kimball's  Heaven.    Valuable  Works  on  Missions. 

Haven's  Mental  Philosophy.     Buchanan's  Modern  Atheism. 

Cruden's  Condensed  Concordance.     Eadie's  Analytical  Concordance* 

The  Psalmist :  a  Collection    of  Hymns. 

Valuable  School  Books.     Works  for  Sabbath  Schools. 

Memoir  of  Amios  Lawrence. 

Poetical  Works  of  Milton,  Cowper,  Scott.       Elegant  Miniature  Volumes. 

Arvine's  Cyclopaedia  of  Anecdotes. 

Ripley's  Notes  on  Gospels,  Acts,  and  Homans. 

Sprague'B  European  Celebrities.     Marsh's  Camel  and  the  Hallig. 

Boget's  Thesaurus  of  English  Words. 

Hackett's  Notes  on  Acts.     M'Whorter's  Yahveh  Christ. 

Biebold  and  Stannius's  Comparative  Anatomy.    Marco's  G-eologioal  Map,  U".  8. 

Beligious  and  Miscellaneous  Works. 

Works  in  the  various  Department*  cf  Literature,  Science  and  Art. 


/^  ^ 


A^ 


14  DAY  USE 

RETURN  TO  DESK  FROM  WHICH  BORROWED 

LOAN  DEPT. 

This  book  is  due  on  the  last  date  stamped  below,  or 

on  the  date  to  which  renewed. 

Renewed  books  are  subject  to  immediate  recall. 


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